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Robert E. Lee Portrait
THE CONFEDERATE BATTERIES AGAINST
SEA BATTERY AT FORT MONROE,
VIRGINIA. INTERIOR OF SEA BATTERY AT FORT-MONROE. TESTING THE BIG COLUMBIAD AT
FORT MONROE. THE RIP-RAPS.
SHIPS IN THE NORFOLK NAVY-YARD.
FORT JEFFERSON, TORTUGAS
FORT TAYLOR, KEY WEST.
FORT SMITH, ARKANSAS.
UNITED STATES ARSENAL AT LITTLE
THE NAVY-YARD AT NORFOLK.
THE NAVY-YARD AT WASHINGTON.
FORT WACHITA, TEXAS.
FORT ARBUCKLE, TEXAS.
FORT DAVIS, TEXAS.
FORT BROWN, TEXAS.
FORT LANCASTER, TEXAS.
POINT ISABEL, TEXAS.
THE ALAMO, SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS.
SURRENDER OF GENERAL TWIGGS, AT SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS.
THE WASHINGTON ARSENAL.
THE RICHMOND ARMORY.
The proprietors of Harper's
Weekly beg to state that they have made the most extensive arrangements for the
illustration of future movements at the South, and that the public may rely upon
finding in Harper's Weekly an accurate and reliable picture of every scene of
interest to which occurrences may direct attention.
The increasing circulation of
Harper's Weekly renders it a most desirable advertising medium.
WE publish on the preceding page,
from a photograph by Brady, a portrait of the
HON. CHARLES F. ADAMS, who is to
succeed Mr. Dallas at the court of St. James. Mr. Adams will fill one of the
most important posts in the Government in the present condition of the country.
He is the third member of his
family who has represented the country in England. His grand-father, John Adams,
was the first American Minister to the Court of St. James: it was to him that
King George the Third delivered the famous apostrophe, " I am, Sir, of all men
in England, as you may imagine, the sorriest to receive you here," etc. This was
in 1785. Thirty years afterward, the son of John Adams, John Quincy Adams, was
sent to England, and represented the country there for two years. He took with
him his son, the present Charles F. Adams, who was eight years old at the time
they arrived in London and went to an English school. Report states that he took
his first lessons in the manly art of self-defense from some English
fellow-pupils, whose sarcasms upon the United States were more than the young
Yankee could tolerate.
Mr. Adams has lived a quiet,
unobtrusive life. In 1848 he was a delegate to the famous Buffalo Convention,
and was chosen President of that body, a post of which he discharged the duties
with credit. He subsequently published the life and writings of his grandfather,
John Adams—a work of great merit, which occupies a standard place in our
political literature. Two years ago he was elected to Congress. He has not been
a prominent member of the House; but the first proposition for a compromise
came from him : he represented Massachusetts in the famous perilous committee,
and probably the most finished speech delivered in Congress on the crisis was
He is fifty-three years of age,
and is in possession of a splendid fortune, part of which he derived from his
WE publish on the preceding page
a view of FORT McRAE, PENSACOLA, FLORIDA, from a sketch by an officer of
Lieutenant Slemmer's command, who writes as follows
"FORT PICKENS, FLA., March 29,
"DEAR SIR,—Inclosed is a sketch
of Fort M'Rae, at the entrance of Pensacola Harbor, and directly opposite Fort
Pickens, from which the view is taken. It is a little more than one mile and a
quarter from Fort Pickens, and about one mile and three-fourths from Fort
Barrancas. It shows from Fort Pickens 44 embrasures, having two tiers of
casemate guns and one en barbette. None of the latter, however, are mounted, and
but few of the former.
" The fort is on an island, being
separated from the main land by a narrow, shallow cut (seen on the right),
made—during the gale of September, 1858—from the bay through to the lagoon, seen
in rear of the fort. In one place the water reaches to the walls of the fort ;
hut near the southeast corner the sand has been thrown so high by the waves as
to conceal several embrasures.
" To the south is seen the Water
Battery, still unfinished and without guns. To the left of this is the house of
the beacon-light keeper and Beacon-light, which is now seldom lighted. The small
steamboat entering the harbor is the Cushing, which is kept running night and
day by the 'harbor police,' for the purpose of cutting off any sup. plies that
citizens, so disposed, might send either to the fleet or fort.
"In the fore-ground is seen the
western extremity of
Santa Rosa Island, on which Fort Pickens is situated.
" This portion—and, in fact, the
whole island—is cut up by irregular sand-ridges, some of the hillocks rising as
high as fifteen or twenty feet_"
SATURDAY, APRIL 20, 1861.
THE RIGHT OF SECESSION.
THE State of Virginia has decided
not to secede; but has adopted, in Convention, a series of resolutions
affirming, among other things, the right of a State to secede from the Union at
will. In like manner, the State of Missouri, which is overwhelmingly opposed to
secession, and the State of Kentucky, in which no Convention has been called,
both declare that in the event of forcible measures being taken by the General
Government to resist the dismemberment of the Union, they will take sides with
the seceded States.
It seems questionable whether the
continued alliance of these States, on these conditions, is an unmixed gain. If
this Union of ours is a confederacy of States which is liable to be dissolved at
the will of any of the States, and if no power rests with the General Government
to enforce its laws, it would seem that we have been laboring under a delusion
these eighty years in supposing that we were a nation, and the fact would appear
to be that the several States of the Union have really been united by no closer
bond than that which connects us with Great Britain and France—a mere treaty
stipulation, which any of the parties were at liberty to annul at pleasure.
It is of the essence of
nationality that the Government of the whole shall be obeyed by each constituent
part, and that the covenants of the nation shall bind each and every section
thereof. If any one part can declare itself not bound by the national laws and
obligations, then no part is bound, and such laws and obligations are mere idle
formalities, dependent for their force on the will of the party bound—in other
words, absolute nullities. Such a government would be a mere ridiculous fiction:
the sooner exploded the better.
Peaceable secession is organized
anarchy. Today, it may be the election of a sectional President ; tomorrow,
the passage of a bad tariff; next, the. conclusion of an unpopular treaty ;
next, the creation of a large debt ; next, the declaration of a doubtful war. If
the right of secession be admitted, each or any of these causes may be
successfully invoked by any State to justify the repudiation of the laws,
treaties, and pecuniary obligations of the government. What is this but
The question, therefore, which is
presented to the people of the Northern States by the people of the border
States of Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri is, whether or no they will accept
organized anarchy as the normal condition of their political existence, as the
price of retaining these States in the Union ?
Suppose the Pope, as the
sovereign of Rome, and Francis-Joseph, as the sovereign of Venetia, were to
say to Victor Emanuel, King of Italy :
" Sire, you are anxious to unite
Italy under one head. On certain terms we will confederate with you. You shall
give us the benefit of your laws, your army, your navy, your post-office, your
national prestige, your power. You shall protect us against the foreign world,
so that our citizens shall be safe wherever they go. You shall grant us the
benefit of your national credit, so that the money needed for our national
public works can be raised. You shall put down robbers and
pirates in our midst.
In return for this we will give you our allegiance as long as we please; but
from the hour we decide to withdraw it you shall have no right to coerce us, or
to keep us within your dominion by force."
An Italian friend suggests that
Victor Emanuel would be likely to reply to this proposal by remarking that it
offered him a one-sided bargain ; that a compact which could be shuffled off by
one of the parties and not by the other was hardly worth making ; that if
Venetia and Rome really sought admission into the kingdom of Italy, they must
first admit that Italy was a nation, and that its laws must be enforced
throughout its territory ; and that whatever conditions Venetia and Rome sought
to make with the parent State, they must not be mentioned until the vital
considerations of a stable nationality and a universal acquiescence in the
authority of the general laws of the kingdom bad been settled beyond dispute.
This, in our friend's opinion, is
the way the question would be viewed in Italy.
THE MISSION OF THE NEGRO.
A TIMELY book, pending the
present excitement on slavery in this country, is SEWELL'S "ORDEAL OF FREE LABOR
IN THE WEST INDIES." Every one knows that the negroes in the British West Indies
were emancipated in 1838, and those in the French and Danish Islands in 1848.
The negroes in the Spanish Islands are still in a condition of slavery. Mr.
Sewell spent two years in traveling through these islands, making observations,
collecting statistics. and comparing opinions : the result
of his travels is to be found in
the compact volume now appearing from the press of the Harpers.
Two opinions are entertained by
two antagonistic sects with regard to British emancipation in the West Indies.
The prevailing notion in this country is that emancipation was a mistake ; that
it ruined the islands, and did not benefit the negro ; that it sacrificed the
white man without helping the black. Another opinion, which is the common notion
held in England, is that emancipation—with compensation to the owners—was a
noble instance of national devotion to principle; that the islands were ruined,
not by emancipation, but by the previous bad management and wasteful living of
the planters ; and that the negroes, after idling for a generation, as was
natural to a race suddenly freed from a bondage of centuries, are now slowly
reviving to usefulness, and acquiring habits of labor, industry, and virtue.
The partisans of both these
onions will find material to sustain their views in Mr. Sewell's most
conscientious and dispassionate work. That the author has opinions of his own
there can be but little doubt. He writes, however, so impartially that we are
inclined to think that both the slavery and the anti-slavery leaders will, on
the strength of isolated passages and statements, claim him as an ally.
The work will doubtless furnish
material for a library of controversial essays on the vexed question.
THE BORDER STATES.
THERE are no States in the Union
or out of it which are so deeply interested in the maintenance of peace, order,
and good government as Maryland, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri.
For of all the States, Nature has done most for them. God created them the
garden of the continent. Blessed with a soil of unusual fertility, and a climate
exquisitely adjusted between the extremes of heat and cold, they enjoy the
advantages of both the northern and the southern meridians, and have, if their
people do not prevent Providence, a greater future than any other part of the
country. They can grow every thing, from the northern potato and apple to the
southern cotton-plant, the grape, and the fig. Their soil overlies miles of ores
of various kinds, iron, gold, copper, lead, and coal. They stretch in an
unbroken line from the great waters of the interior to the great ocean which
washes the continent. If they maintain public order and good government, their
latitude must render their railroads the great avenue between the West and the
East. Their climate is so admirable that it is a miracle they have not absorbed
the whole population of the continent. To a dweller in frozen Michigan or torrid
Louisiana, life under the genial sun of Virginia seems a dream of impossible
bliss. In the shade of the grand old woods of that noble State, with no winter
snow-storms, no summer dog days, no deadly epidemics, no frightful struggle with
nature for existence, but just such a rotation of seasons as gives a relish to
each, and tempts the earth to bring forth her regular increase,
WASHINGTON beguiled his declining years with visions of the future glories of
his native soil, and of the possible pre-dominance of the Potomac over all other
rivers of America. Can such a State seek to emulate the destiny of the desolate
regions in Mexico and Central America, to which God, in His Providence, was
originally as bountiful as to her ?
BETTER THAN DOLLARS.
Is there any thing better than
dollars ? Actual dollars, bankable, redeemable in gold on presentation ?
" No, Sir," says our old friend,
COTTON PORK, Esquire, " there is not. Young people talk sentiment about honor,
and principle, and patriotism, and that sort of thing; but there is nothing
reliable in the world but dollars." And Cotton Pork is sincere. He acts up to
his principles. He married a sickly, cross-grained wife whom he did not love,
but who had dollars, in preference to a sweet girl whom he loved—as far as he
could—but who had none. He commits acts in business daily which are not
honorable, and some traduce him therefore ; but what matters it? he makes
dollars. He marries his daughter to a life of misery and probably crime —for
dollars. He starts his son in partnership with a rogue—for the sake of dollars.
He is for his country if dollars are on the country's side; otherwise he crawls
on his belly to lick the feet of the enemy who offers him dollars. As he says
himself: " Honor, patriotism, principle, affection, delicacy—all these are
debatable matters : one man sees them in one light, another man in another; but
no man disputes that a dollar is a dollar, and worth one hundred cents, if
bankable. No, Sir."
Cotton Pork is a Northern man.
Mostly from New England, though often transplanted to New York, and doing well
in our climate. Some varieties of his genus have been tried at the South, but
they don't thrive there. They can't stand so much sun.
At the South—an odd
region—dollars are well
thought of, to be sure, but still
they don't govern. People don't measure each other on plantations by the
financial foot-rule ; nor is public policy exclusively adjusted to the dollar
standard. It seems ridiculous, but people talk and think much more about honor
at the South than about dollars. Our friend Cotton Pork is, of course, ready to
prove that they are a very deluded race ; that they don't agree even among
themselves as to what honor requires; and that they would have done much better
to have kept their eye always fixed on the main chance. But he don't convince
them. In South Carolina they go to prodigious expense, sacrifice the trade of
their port, mulct their rich men, and drive their poor out of employment ; but
they stick firmly to their point of honor. In New York Cotton Pork pooh-poohs
firing on the Star of the West, demands the evacuation of Sumter, declares
himself ready to vote for slavery in New York, but howls like a wild beast when
he is told that
New Orleans is going to import gunny cloth. In Louisiana private
citizens subscribe for five millions of the new loan of the Southern
Confederacy at par—knowing the prospect of the security ; in New York Cotton
Pork, Esq., condescends to come to the relief of his country by taking
States Treasury notes at twelve per cent. per annum, which, as money is not
worth over six, is not so very expensive patriotism.
Yet Cotton Pork is a patriot—in
one way. He is dead against civil war. "What !" says he, "imbrue our hands in
our brothers' blood —and knock Central down to 50? Deluge the country with
gore—and put an end to our trade in pegged boots ? Spread havoc through peaceful
vales—and deprive us of a market for gunny cloth ? Carry the sword and torch
into happy plantations—and write off our outstanding Southern claims ? Stain the
national flag with American blood—and hand over the Southern market to
foreigners ? Never, never, never !" The good man's bosom warms with the theme,
and he denounces fighting with the energy of a Quaker. Strange, how differently
they talk down South! They spend no energy in denouncing civil war. They do not
want to fight. They seek peace. But if it comes, they will make no wry faces. It
will cost them much, but they utter no such philanthropic shrieks as proceed
from the mouth of Cotton Pork. They seem to think that there are things worse
than fighting in this world—and better than dollars. An odd people, surely.
CHURCH'S NEW PICTURE.
IN the last number of Thackeray's
"Philip" there is some very pleasant talk about artists, apropos of our old
friend in " The Newcomes," J. J. Ridley, who has now become a Royal Academician.
Thackeray has a fond hankering for art and artists. He always describes them
well. He loves the Bohemian land in which they are wont to dwell. There is a
freshness, a simplicity, a sweetness and pathos in the pursuit of art and the
character of artists which especially interest and charm a man who is much in
what is technically called the world. Besides, Thackeray's homage to the studio
has a pensive regret in its tone, for he wanted to be a painter ; and they are
his own sketches, the same old familiar faces, with which we are regaled in the
illustrations of " Philip."
" To be a painter," says
Thackeray, in the character of Arthur Pendennis, "and to have your hand in
perfect command, I hold to be one of life's summa bona. The happy mixture of
hand and head work must render the occupation supremely pleasant. In the day's
work must occur endless delightful difficulties and occasions for skill over the
details of that armor, that drapery, or what not, the sparkle of that eye, the
downy blush of that cheek, the jewel on that neck, there are battles to be
fought and victories to be won." And so on to the end of a pleasant paragraph.
And who has not thought so a thousand times as he ascended (painters are apt to
dwell near heaven) to the studio? As he passed in among the canvases and
breathed the atmosphere of paint, who has not thought of Noma entering the
sweet-scented wood to commune with the nymph? As he came out again, and
descended to earth and walked the streets once more, who has not felt as Mignon
felt wandering over Germany but yearning for Italy? What are the happy and
fragrant memories of youth and travel ? Answer, Cape Greco ; answer, Lepre ;
answer, hilarious nights when, as Topaz jocularly declared, all baggage was at
the risk of the owner.
Thinking these things in the
luxurious chair in the spacious studio, idly regarding the buffalo plunging
headlong from the wall, and the butter-fly, burning spot of splendor by his
side, we have not yet lifted our eyes to the picture which we have all known was
painting for us : the new work of the year, which is as surely and sternly
required of a famous painter as of a successful novelist. There it is, at last.
It is about the size of the Heart of the Andes, but rather smaller. It is as
bold a picture as was ever painted, for there is no-thing before you but air,
light, and water. In the centre of the middle distance, a huge iceberg, a
drifting glacier at sea : beyond it, at the left, the scene opens out into the
solemn, dark distance of a sullen sea, with two distant piles and peaks of ice,
leading the eye away, away, to the cloudy gloom that muffles the horizon ; while
beyond it, at the right, in pale blue, luminous shadow, the shining crags, and
angles, and buttresses of ice, mingle in receding obscurity—an awful gorge of