The History of Texas: Mexican Hostility Towards the
Texas Colonies
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Texas: 1825-1830)
US Citizens Continue to Colonize Texas
THE year 1831 found the American
population of Texas still increasing. They now numbered about twenty
thousand; and, notwithstanding the general law of April 6,1830,
prohibited natives of the United States from immigrating, they still
continued to come. They had friends and relatives in Texas, and wished
to be with them. Others, attracted by the generous nature of the soil
and the fine climate, were induced to come in order to find homes in the
new state. The greater part of these prohibited immigrants had settled
east of the Trinity. They had fixed upon their homes, designated their
lands, and desired titles. They had come under the control of no
empresario, but under the general provisions of the law, on their
own account. They made repeated applications for titles to their lands.
As early as 1829, the state of Coahuila
and Texas had dispatched Juan Antonio Padilla as commissioner-general to
eastern Texas, to extend titles to the colonists; and with him came
Thomas J. Chambers as surveyor-general of the state, but the jealousy of
those opposed to the settlement of eastern Texas caused Padilla to be
arrested upon a false accusation, and thus broke up the commission.
The colonists in eastern Texas, not to be
outdone in this way, held public meetings, and sent their petitions to
the state government, asking the appointment of another commissioner. In
the meantime, the state legislature had assembled at Saltillo, and
Licentiate Jose Maria Letona was declared duly elected governor, and
Juan Martin de Veramendi vice-governor, of the state, The latter, a
resident in San Antonio, indicated a favorable disposition toward Texas.
The applications for a commissioner to extend titles was attended to;
and Francisco Madero was dispatched to the Trinity, with Jose Maria
Carbajal, his surveyor, for that purpose. Madero was a gentleman of
popular manners, and much esteemed by the colonists. He proceeded with
energy in the discharge of his duties, but was suddenly arrested by
order of General Manuel Mier y Teran, commandant-general of the eastern
states, and, with Carbajal, confined in the prison of Anahuac. Teran was
a genuine monarchist, and a fit instrument to carry out the designs Of
Bustamante. The alleged excuse or ground of their arrest was, that they
were extending titles to natives of the United States who had immigrated
since the decree of the 6th of April, 1830. It is probable that such
titles had been extended; but this was an affair of the state,
appertaining to the civil authorities; and, although they had the
authority of Bustamente for their proceedings, it was as clearly illegal
as was the decree of the 6th of April. Though these officers were acting
under the law, and the authority of the state, nothing could be done by
the latter toward their release without drawing upon it the vengeance of
Bustamente.
Among the acts of Commissioner Madero was
the erection of the municipality of Liberty. The ayuntamiento was
duly elected and organized, holding its sessions at the town of Liberty,
some thirty miles above Anahuac. As the design of the military was
obviously to bring the country under their subjection, Colonel Bradburn,
commandant at Anahuac, dissolved the ayuntamiento of Liberty, and
ordered one for the same municipality at Anahuac. Such was the tyranny
of Bradburn, however, his ayuntamiento fled from him, and took
refuge in Austin's colony.
The sudden change in the policy of Mexico
in regard to her Texan colonies can not be attributed altogether to a
mere tyrannical disposition on the part of the acting president,
Bustamente. The introduction of so many troops, the usurpation of the
military, the interference of the supreme government in preventing the
state from extending titles to the colonists, the imposition of taxes,
the prohibition of merchandise on the part of the colonists, and
numerous other grievances, and hindrances to their prosperity, had their
origin mainly in an apprehension on the part of Mexico that the United
States would, in some way or other—through their citizens domiciliated
in Texas —set up a claim to the country. Reference to some facts will
place this matter in a clear light.
The retrograde movement commenced in the
latter part of 1829. We have referred to the repeated applications of
the United States to purchase Texas of Mexico. The boundary-line between
Louisiana and Texas, as established by the treaty of 1819, had not
been run previous to the treaty of Cordova in 1821. Mexico, acquiring
her independence, became a party to the former treaty instead of Spain.
In the instructions to Mr. Poinsett, our first minister to Mexico, dated
March 26, 1825, he was directed to sound that government upon the
question of making a new line. The proposition was made, but Mexico
insisted on the treaty-line. In 1827, he was instructed to propose to
the Mexican government the purchase of Texas, and to offer for the
country as far as the Rio Grande a million of dollars; or, if that
should not be accepted, half a million for the part lying east of the
Colorado. These propositions were rejected; and, although the United
States had repeatedly acknowledged the validity of the boundary as
agreed to with Spain in 1819, yet such was the uneasiness of Mexico,
that her chamber of deputies passed a resolution that they would not
take into consideration the treaty which the two governments had agreed
on, until an article was inserted recognizing the boundary named in the
treaty with Spain. The government of Mexico also dispatched General
Teran, in 1828, to run the line agreed on by that treaty. This was on
its own account, the convention for running the line not having been
concluded. Again, in 1829, Mr. Van Buren, secretary of state, instructed
Mr. Poinsett to make another proposition to purchase Texas. He proposed
to give four millions of dollars for the territory east of the line
dividing the waters of the Rio Grande and the Nueces. If that could not
be obtained, then the minister was to offer a sum in proportion for the
territory east of the Lavaca; or, if that could not be acquired, then
the line of the Colorado, and lastly that of the Brazos, was to be
proposed.
During the, period of these negotiations,
the growth of the colonies, the emeute of the "Fredonians," the
general sturdy spirit of the settlers, and, above all, the reasons
advanced by the United States in favor of a sale of Texas, had excited
in the Mexican mind a general feeling of jealousy and uneasiness. This
feeling soon found its way to the public. Lucas Alaman, secretary of
state, in his report to the Mexican Congress in 1829, uses the following
language; —
The North Americans commence by
introducing themselves into the territory which they covet, on
pretence of commercial negotiations, or of the establishment of
colonies, with or without the assent of the government to which it
belongs. These colonies grow, multiply, become the prominent part in
the population; and as soon as a support is found in this manner,
they begin to set up rights which it is impossible to sustain in a
serious discussion, and to bring forward ridiculous pretensions,
founded upon historical facts which are admitted by nobody, such as
La Salle's
voyages, now known to be a falsehood, but which, at this time, serve
as a support for their claim to Texas. These extravagant opinions
are, for the first time, presented to the world by unknown writers;
and the labor which is employed by others in offering proofs and
reasonings, is spent in repetitions and multiplied allegations, for
the purpose of drawing the attention of their fellow-citizens, not
to the justice of the proposition, but to the advantages and
interests to be obtained or subverted by their admission.
Their machinations in the country
they wish to acquire are then brought to light by the appearance of
explorers, some of whom settle upon the soil, alleging that their
presence does not affect the question of the right of sovereignty,
or possession of the land. These pioneers, by degrees, excite
movements which disturb the political state of the country in
dispute; and then follow discontent and dissatisfaction calculated
to fatigue the patience of the legitimate owner, and to diminish the
usefulness of the administration and of the exercise of authority.
When things have come to this pass—which is precisely the present
state of things in Texas—the diplomatic management commences. The
inquietude they have excited in the territory in dispute, the
interests of the colonists therein established, the insurrections of
adventurers and savages instigated by them, and the pertinacity with
which the opinion is set up as to their right of possession, become
the subjects of notes, full of expressions of justice and
moderation, until, with the aid of other incidents, which are never
wanting in the course of diplomatic relations, the desired end is
attained of concluding an arrangement, onerous for one party, as it
is advantageous to the other.
It has been said further, that, when the United States of the North
have succeeded in giving the predominance to the colonists
introduced into the countries they had in view, they set up rights,
and bring forward pretensions, founded on disputed historical facts,
availing themselves generally, for the purpose, of some critical
conjuncture to which they suppose the attention of government must
be directed. This policy, which has produced good results to them,
they have commenced carrying into effect with Texas. The public
prints in those states, including those which are more immediately
under the influence of their government, are engaged in discussing
the right they imagine they have to the country as far as the Rio
Bravo. Handbills are printed on the same subject, and thrown into
general circulation, whose object is to persuade and convince the
people of the utility and expediency of the meditated project. Some
of them have said that Providence had marked out the Rio Bravo as
the natural boundary of those states; which has induced an English
writer to reproach them with an attempt to make Providence the
author of all their usurpations! But what is most remarkable is,
that they have commenced that discussion precisely at the same time
they saw us engaged in repelling the Spanish invasion, believing
that our attention would, for a long time, be thereby withdrawn from
other things.
In addition to the above causes of
uneasiness, a report had been circulated in the newspapers of the United
States that Texas would be invaded by American adventurers; and,
although it had no foundation in fact, it found ready hearers in the
jealous Mexicans. It was, then, clearly more through fear of the growing
strength of the colonies, than the tyrannical disposition of Bustamente,
that steps were taken against them by the supreme government. The
tyranny consisted in the illegal mode of passing and enforcing its
decrees. Their inexpediency was manifested in the result. All the
misfortunes of Mexico in planting and rearing her colonies have arisen
from her ignorance of the character of her colonists. She wished to
nurse them when they did not ask it; she wished to correct them when
they would not bear it.
Having taken her measures, she, sent
troops to enforce them; and directed that these troops should be paid
out of taxes to be raised from the colonists through the customhouses.
To this the latter were not inclined to submit; especially when they saw
that the military were to supersede the civil authorities. The better to
enforce the collection of the customs duties, and prevent smuggling,
orders were published by the commandants at Anahuac and Velasco, closing
all the maritime ports except the port of Galveston at Anahuac. As this
would draw the commerce of the greater part of Texas to these ports, the
colonists resolved to have the decree rescinded.
Accordingly, a large meeting of the
citizens was held in the town of Brasoria, on the 16th of December,
1831, to consider the matter. Branch T. Archer and George B. McKinstry
were chosen by the meeting commissioners to proceed to Anahuac, and
demand of Colonel Bradburn that he should rescind the obnoxious order,
or they would attack the place. The commissioners discharged their duty
faithfully. Bradburn asked time till he could communicate with General
Teran; but they would not allow it, and drew from him the order of
revocation. Thus did the colonists exhibit a specimen of their spirit.
As they increased in power, they received
the more consideration from the state legislature. The department of
Texas was divided into two districts, the line of division being the
dividing ridge between the Trinity and the Brazos and San Jacinto
rivers. Nacogdoches was made the residence of the political chief of the
eastern district; while the chief of the western district continued to
reside at Bexar. This decentralizing movement was democratic.
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