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Civil War Harper's Weekly, October 19,
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Red, White and Blue
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DIED, ON THE BATTLE-FIELD.
FAR from his native
home he died ; The clash of arms on every side, The roar of cannon, and the tide
Of red blood flowing.
Around the dying and the dead Lay on the field of battle, red
With carnage, while the sky o'erhead Crimson was blushing.
Slowly the spark of life went out, As rang the gallant victors' shout, Telling
the foe were put to rout
By his brave comrades.
No gentle mother softly laid
On his hot brow her hand, or prayed
As his soul heavenward strayed
But as the glorious field was won, While rushed the conquering army on, As
blood-red sank the setting sun,
Gloriously he perished.
Around his green and hallowed grave Fond friends shall sadly mourn the brave,
Saying, " He gladly died to save
His land from ruin."
Over this lowly mound of his
All that he asked or wished for is Graved on his narrow headstone this
"DIED FOR HIS COUNTRY!"
WE publish on
657, from a photograph sent us from the West, a portrait of the brave
whose gallant defense of Lexington we chronicled last week. The following
biography of Colonel Mulligan is interesting :
A. Mulligan was born
in the city of Utica,
York, in the year
is consequently in his
His parents were natives
His mother, after the death
of his father, which took
was a child, removed to
Chicago, where she has
resided with her son for the past twenty-three years. She
a respectable Irish-American
in Chicago named
who has steadily watched
solicitude the expanding mind
of the brave young soldier.
He was educated at the Catholic College
of North Chicago,
under the superintendence
of the Rev. Mr. Kinsellar,
New York City. He
is a strict member
of the Catholic
1854 he read law in the
of the Hon. Isaac
N. Arnold, Congressman from
the Chicago District. For a
short time he edited the
Tablet, a semi-religious
weekly newspaper in
1856 he was admitted an
attorney-at-law in Chicago. At
this time he held the position
of Second Lieutenant in the
Chicago Shields Guards, one
of the companies attached to
the Irish Brigade now in Missouri, and which has done so
well at Lexington.
In the winter
of Indiana, tendered
him a clerkship in the Department
of the Interior.
accepted the position and
spent the winter at
During his residence in Washington he corresponded with
Telegraph over the
nom de plume of "Satan." After his return from Washington he was elected
of the Shields Guards. On
the news arriving
of Fort Sumter he threw his
soul into the National
cause. The Irish American companies held
of which he was Chairman.
Shortly afterward he went to
Washington with a letter, written by the late
Douglas on his death-bed, to
the President, tendering a regiment
to be called the "Irish
was elected Colonel,
and immediately went to work with a
will. The course
of the Brigade
up to the battle
is well known;
it has nobly, bravely, and honorably done its duty.
of all praise.
A purer, better
man does not live in the State
of Illinois. Since he was
able to tell the difference between ale and water a
of spirituous or malt liquor
has not passed his
rigid temperance man, although he
is jocund and whole-souled
to a fault. He
is six feet three inches in
height, with a wiry, elastic frame, a large, lustrous, hazel eye, an
open, frank, Celtic face, stamped with courage, pluck,
independence, surmounted with
a bushy profusion of hair,
tinctured with gray. Honorable in all relations, respected
by all, he has won his way by untiring industry and unquestionable
courage. On the 26th
was married to
Miss Marian Nugent by the
Bishop of Chicago.
THE WAR IN MISSOURI.
continue to devote a large section of our space
to illustrations of the war in Missouri. On
page 664 we publish a large view of
the present head-quarters of
General Fremont, and on
page 663 a Plan of the
same, showing the fortifications. Jefferson City, on the Missouri River, is, as
every one knows, the capital of the State of Missouri. When the rebellion first
broke out in Missouri Jefferson City was promptly occupied by
General Lyon, and
Governor Jackson was expelled. The Union troops proceeded to erect
fortifications, so as to protect the State Capitol, and ever since then
Jefferson City has been a place of great military activity. There must be at the
present time over 40,000 Union troops in the place, and between it and Lexington
; and a battle in the vicinity is hourly expected. Troops continue to arrive
daily, both by rail and by steamer.
Another picture, on
page 667, from a sketch by Alexander Simplot, represents the
AT ST. LOUIS OF THE NINTH MISSOURI REGIMENT,
COLONEL KELTON, FOR LEXINGTON. The peculiar build of the Mississippi
steamers will be recognized by all who have sailed on the Father of Waters.
Colonel Kelton, we need hardly add, arrived too late to save the brave Colonel
page 657 we give a picture of a scene which took place at Lexington after the
surrender. The rebel Governor Jackson ordered Mulligan's brigade to be drawn up
in solid column to hear a speech from him. He then addressed them in harsh
language, demanding what business they had to make war in the State of Missouri,
adding that when Missouri needed troops from Illinois she would ask for them.
After upbraiding them for some length of time, this wretched traitor at last
told them they might go home, when they dispersed with feelings which can be
more easily imagined than described. If Governor Jackson falls into the hands of
any of the Illinois Volunteers he will have a hard time.
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 19,
WAR AS A
peace party has deafened us with commonplaces about the evils of war. No one
denies that war brings great evils in its train, though there are still greater
evils than they, and wise and good men often advise war and accept
its mischiefs in order to escape the greater calamities of peace. Too little
attention has, however, been paid, since the present conflict began,
to the benefits of war in the abstract. Reflection
will show that they are by no means insignificant.
Peace enervates and corrupts society; war strengthens and purifies. The chief
danger against which all philosophers have warned us in this country has been
the corruption pervading our society and our political institutions. Our
aristocracy being exclusively mercantile, money has grown to be the sole idol
worshiped by the bulk of our people ; and those who worshiped it faithfully and
successfully have been pardoned when they neglected every other object of
reverence. Society accepts the fraudulent bankrupt ; tolerates notorious cheats
; winks at open rascality if it yields 20 per cent. ; and where honor and profit
are in conflict, never misses an opportunity of pronouncing in favor of the
latter. This is the case to some extent in every nation, in direct ratio of the
influence of the mercantile spirit. Our corruption is more intense and more
general than that of European countries, because here the mercantile class is
paramount, while there it is only one of many competitors for power. Wherever
men enjoy the suffrage some votes are bought : it is only in a country where
money is the sole exclusive idol that
all offices are matters of bargain and sale.
If this evil can be cured, it must be done by raising up some rival influence to
that of sheer dollars. This a war will do. Nothing is so directly opposed to the
mercantile spirit as the military spirit. The one calls into play the most
sordid and the basest instincts of our nature : the other appeals to our noblest
and purest impulses—courage, honor, patriotism, self-devotion, self-denial. In a
mercantile point of view, it does not pay to be killed or wounded for one's
country. On the other hand, soldiers usually deem all traders knaves. The
merchant's aim is profit, the soldier's, glory. The merchant's means are cunning
and calculation, the soldier's, daring and chivalry. Evidently, more opposite
and antagonistic classes than soldiers and merchants it were hard to conceive.
And the effect of the creation of a military class in our midst will necessarily
be to counterbalance the mercantile influence now paramount, and to raise up
honor as an idol in opposition to dollars. If the war achieves this result, it
will not have been in vain.
The war will consolidate us as a nation. Nearly half a century has elapsed since
the last appeal was made to the patriotism of the American people. Few persons
are now living who responded to that appeal. The present race of Americans have
never known any thing practically about the blessings of national security or
the cost of national danger, and the patriotic sentiment has so nearly died out
in them that men of intelligence and education are heard unblushingly to sneer
at the present struggle for national existence. Half a century of undisputed
peace and the pursuit of gain have rusted their hearts. The war will now develop
the dormant principle of love of country. The honest will revive to patriotism ;
the sordid will realize that their private schemes can not thrive if the great
public scheme fails. Men's hearts, from various motives, will expand from their
present selfish bounds to the breadth of good citizenship.
The war will put an end forever to the pernicious heresy of State Sovereignty.
However it ends, we shall hear no more, at the North at all events, about the
rights of States. States will preserve their rights, undoubtedly ; and so will
towns, theatres, and newspapers. But none of these rights will ever again be
invoked in bar of the sovereignty of the American people. We shall emerge from
this war a nation in fact as in name, consolidated and homogeneous.
The war will prepare us for struggles, if any should come, with foreign nations.
It is already evident that the British aristocracy would submit to any ordinary
sacrifice in order to have the rebellion succeed, in the hope that the
catastrophe of American democracy might check the aspirations of the
working-classes in Great Britain. No one can tell at what time this selfish
oligarchy may delude England into a war with the United States. Nor can any one
foresee the result of the complications which must grow out of the movements of
Spain in St. Domingo, and of the maritime powers of Europe in Mexico. Before
this war we were in no condition to contend with a power like Great Britain.
When the war ends we shall be able to hold our own not only against England, but
against any combination of foreign powers. We shall have a first-class army and
a first-class navy, ample
resources, and a thorough and complete military and naval organization.
But the chief advantage which the war will confer upon the country will be the
diversion of at least a part of the national intellect and energy from the mere
pursuit of gain, and the elevation of a substantial section of our people to
nobler and higher aims. It can not but leave behind it a pretty general
conviction that there really is something in this world better than dollars, and
something worthier than the craft which is called smartness. 'Tis no mean boon
that we "Wake to the higher aims Of a land that has lost for a little her lust of gold,
And love of a peace that was full of wrongs and shames, Horrible, hateful,
monstrous, not to be told,
And hail once more to the banner of battle unrolled! Though many a light shall
darken, and many shall weep For those that are crushed in the clash of jarring
claims, Yet God's just doom shall be wreaked on a giant liar, And many a
darkness into the night shall leap, And shine in the sudden making of splendid
names, And noble thought be freer under the sun,
And the heart of a people beat with one desire;
For the long, long canker of peace is over and done!"
No thoughtful American can affect to be indifferent to English criticism,
because the English have necessarily a deeper sympathy with us than any other
nation in the world. But the malignity of hatred which the leading English
papers evince toward us—papers which are known to be the organs of eminent
public men in England—reveals a condition of the English mind which few of us
could have suspected. Had this nation been engaged in a bloody war for the
purpose of territorial aggrandizement, or for commercial advantages; had it, for
instance, gone to the other side of the globe to India, and, with the most
unblushing military barbarism, virtually taken possession of an entirely foreign
country, holding it by means which have made the names of Clive and Warren
Hastings badly eminent ; or had it insisted upon thrusting a poisonous drug into
China, and made its refusal to receive it a cause of war against a distant
people who " only asked to be let alone," it would then be natural that a great
civilized, constitutional, commercial power should censure the crime and
sentence the criminal to public infamy.
But why a friendly nation, engaged in suppressing a rebellion which strikes at
the very existence of the nation ; a rebellion whose success would be the most
fatal blow to constitutional liberty ; a rebellion undertaken, as its leaders
expressly avow, not because the Government has done them any wrong, but because
they fear that slavery is in danger if the Government is not overthrown; a
rebellion which betrays as incredible and dangerous a want of personal honor in
the leaders as the English people found in Charles the First—why a friendly
nation, engaged in the repression of such a rebellion, should be so ferociously
and recklessly maligned as we have been, and are, by the chief English organs of
public opinion, is a question as difficult to answer as it is to discover why we
ever supposed that the haughtiest and most selfish power in the world could
possibly forget that in our weakling infancy our little finger was stronger than
The Laureate of England dreamed of " a federation of the world." So, possibly,
did many a dreamer who was no laureate. If it could begin to come it could only
be by the confidence and friendship of natural and political allies. How near
that Millennium is, read the English papers and discover.
MR. SEWARD UPON SPECIAL CORRESPONDENTS.
WHEN the correspondent of the London Times came to this country last spring
there was a good deal of foolish talk about the arrival of an embassador of the
great power of the day, the "public press." Of late there has not been so much
said of the correspondent in that capacity. The last fact in the career of the
Doctor of Laws was, that he had been fined thirty or forty dollars for breaking
the law of Illinois and shooting birds on Sunday. At an earlier period one of
his letters was telegraphed all the way from Newfoundland by the " Associated
Press"--a letter, by-the-way, in which the Barrister at Law rapped several of
them in a rousing way upon the knuckles. Then came the petition of some worthy
persons to the Secretary of
State, calling attention to the letters and the letter-writer. Mr. Seward's
reply was pointed and conclusive.
There is a word to be said about that letter of Mr. Seward's. Of course we all
know, or ought to know, that the letters of the Doctor and Barrister are the
chief credited sources of information in Europe and England of the condition of
affairs in this country. They doubtless make European public opinion ; and they
are therefore undeniably important. That they are crude, prejudiced, untrue, and
foolish, is evident enough ; but that does not affect their influence. Now an
authorized expulsion of this person from the country would have been obviously
impolitic. The Government fears to have the truth told, would have been the
Doctor's cry, duly echoed through Europe. But the letter of the Secretary of
State emphatically stigmatizes the writer as a " foreigner who perverts our
hospitality to shelter himself in writing injurious publications against us for
a foreign press." To those in other lands who are still accessible to reason,
who still believe that the Government of the United States is not recreant to
constitutional liberty, and who do not reproach us with imbecility because we
can not at once fire a gun from which the charge has been drawn, the letter of
the Secretary will be literally a letter of credit in our power, our purpose,
and our patience.
And if, in the patriotic spirit of that letter, the officers of the army,
forbidding him their lines, would treat with silent contempt a man who sees only
to slander—if all gentlemen who have the honor of their country at heart would
make him feel that whoever sneers at the nation in peril can be no associate or
guest of theirs—and if the newspapers, by common consent, would leave his libels
in the London Times, for which they are written, the Doctor of Laws would find
himself in an isolation compared with which the casemates of
would be delightful.
A GLIMPSE OF ITALIAN LIFE.
THE revelations of the interior of Italian life of two or three centuries ago is
an exposure of the most startling romance and tragedy. Copious and interesting
accounts are found in Adolphus Trollope's " Italian Women." The story of
Beatrice Cenci is a melancholy glimpse enough. The traditions which Browning
interweaves in his poetry, and which give a lurid light to so many of his
pictures, belong to the same department of literature and history, to which the
latest contribution is a work by Philarete Chasles, Professor in the College of
France, called "Virginie de Leyva, or the interior of an Italian nunnery in the
beginning of the seventeenth century." It is simply a story of love and ghastly
crime ; but, like all such stories sincerely told, it is a marvelous mirror of
contemporary life. A tree is told by its fruit—a civilization by its incidents.
No wonder that Trollope so bitterly sneers at " the good old times," of all
times the most wretched and hopeless.
Virginia was the grand-daughter of a bold brigand
of Navarre and handsome Free Lance of Charles the Fifth, who, after a
life of crime, died Prince of Ascoli, and went to rest under a sumptuous
monument in a church at Milan. Virginia was sent to the convent at Monza, to
which young women came to be taught, and among the rest a young Isabella. Osio,
a handsome youth, saw Isabella in the convent garden and made love to her by
signs. But the saintly Virginia saw the offense and told the notary, who told
Isabella's father, who took his daughter away and married her. Osio, stung with
rage, stabbed the notary, and the magistrate feared to arrest him lest he too
should be stabbed. Besides, Virginia was softened by the young man's grief, and
was sorry for what she had done. She used her influence, as seigniorial lady,
with the magistrate, and Osio went to thank her, and they fell in love. Virginia
was then twenty years old.
The Confessor of the convent, Arrighone, was an unsuccessful lover of the lady,
and one of the worst of men. Oslo gave her a book from the Confessor's library,
in which it was written that a layman might enter without sin the cell of a nun,
and that the only sin was in the nun quitting her retreat. Arrighone pressed his
suit insolently. He declared that he wrote all the letters signed " Osio ;" and
Virginia threw herself into Osio's arms.
A family was born, and Virginia's maid, Meda, was ostensibly the mother. In a
quarrel she threatened to expose her mistress. Virginia and two nuns tried to
kill her. But Osio succeeded. Rumors escaped the convent through Ranieri, an
apothecary, and Virginia's relations had Osio arrested, fearing some political
consequences. A solemn testimony went up from the nuns declaring the tale of
intimacy between Osio and Virginia a vile scandal. Thereupon he was released,
and a few hours after he returned to Monza Ranieri was shot. Virginia concealed
her lover in her cell. But the cry of shame at Monza reached the Cardinal
Borromeo, and he came to see what was the matter. He had an interview with
Virginia. She confessed every thing. The Cardinal was dumb, and so departed. But
at night came a carriage with four mules to the gate of the convent, and the
Lady of Monza was carried to Milan.
The two nuns who had tried to murder Meda fled under Osio's protection. He had
two servants with him. One of them hurled one of the nuns into a deep river.
Then Osio stabbed him. A little further on Osio threw the other nun into a well,
and then stabbed the other servant. But both women marvelously escaped and told
the tale. Osio flew into the mountains at the foot of Lake Como and led a band
of desperate outlaws. The Governor of Milan offered a reward for him, dead or
alive. A friend invited him to his house, and there, while the servants held
Osio, his friend murdered him exactly as he had murdered Meda. Next day his head
was on the ruined wall at Monza. Arrighone had three years in the galleys.
Virginia was immured in a convent, and died in the very odor of sanctity, like a
saint, said Cardinal Borromeo ; into the urn of whose colossal brazen statue you
may climb if you choose when you go to his isola maggiore.
This terrible text M. Chasles improves by reasoning that the conventual system
was responsible for this character. But the Athenoeum, from which we take the
facts, seems to be correct in denying this, on the ground that, as a rule, the
inmates of the religious houses were better, measured by their temptations, than
the women of the surrounding hamlets.
But whatever the moral improvement that may be drawn from it, the story is a
curious episode of Italian life. It belongs to the department of real
history, which consists in a picture of the condition of the people, not
of the marches and countermarches of a few leaders. Thus it is in memoirs,
diaries, letters, and local annals that we come to the truest knowledge of the
state of the world at any period.
M. Chasles dedicates his work to Mr. Thackeray ;
not, we suppose, as a sly insinuation that Virginia typifies women as Thackeray
believes them to be, but because of personal regard, and because M. Chasles is
the French author of eminence most familiar with English literature.
THE WAR AND EMANCIPATION.
THERE is still confusion about the cardinal point of the relation of
the War. Lord Palmerston's (Next