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SATURDAY, JULY 12, 1862.
HINT TO GENERAL BUTLER.
GENERAL BUTLER is feeding the people of
New Orleans at the cost of the United States.
General Halleck has begged the good people of
the West to send food to the starving people of the Lower Mississippi Valley,
and they have, with their accustomed liberality, dispatched shiploads of food
down the river. In Florida our blockading squadron has, in several instances,
been compelled to supply food to the famished rebels.
Now all this is perfectly right
and proper, as far as it goes. Our generals and our people can not look on
calmly and see even the worst traitors starve to death. But the arrangement
should be reciprocal as far as possible. If the starving people of the South
have any thing to give in exchange for the food with which we are supplying
them, they ought to give it, and our generals should see to it that they do.
It happens that there is in the
South—more or less under the control of the very mobs we are feeding—a quantity
of property which is almost as urgently needed at the North and in Europe as
food is needed at the South. This is cotton. In Europe, at the present time, the
aggregate supply is only about 428,000 bales, against 1,644,900 bales at this
time last year. Unless more cotton comes to market soon, it is inevitable that
all the factories in Europe will have to stop working, and a frightful amount of
suffering will ensue. In this country the scarcity is still greater. On the 27th
cotton sold at 40 cents a pound in this market; and here, as in Europe, our
cotton industry must cease, and the operatives of New England be thrown upon the
world, unless we contrive in some way or other to obtain a fresh supply of the
staple within a very few weeks.
Now there is no doubt whatever of
there being over 2,000,000 bales of cotton, at least, on the Southern
plantations. From all that we can learn the amount destroyed by the rebel forces
is very small. It is possible that the cotton still in the South may amount to
3,000,000 bales, or even more. But, at any rate, there must be 2,000,000 bales
on the plantations, ginned and unginned, bagged and unbagged, in the gin-houses
or elsewhere. Now of this large amount a certain proportion could undoubtedly be
got to market if the people at the South whom we are feeding were made to
understand that their bread depended upon it. There must be a large number of
planters in the Valley of the Mississippi who would be willing to sell,
especially as, at present prices, they would get over $150 a bale. Let the
starving people of the South be told that, after a certain date, they will only
be able to buy food with cotton, and we are inclined to think that they will
unearth a good many bales.
If these people are so bigoted in
their treason that they will not help us to get cotton, the question of feeding
them will assume a new aspect. But we can not but believe that the instincts of
want, and the sentiment of avarice will, if properly directed, lead to a
considerable increase in the supply of cotton before very long.
REAPPEARANCE OF JOHN BULL AS PECKSNIFF.
JOHN BULL has made another
rentree in his favorite old part of Pecksniff. He is shocked at General Butler's
order declaring that any woman who shall behave in a loose, idle, and disorderly
manner shall be deemed a loose, idle, and disorderly female. The Times and
Morning Post shudder at such brutality. Lord Palmerston protests against it on
behalf of the frail sisterhood. The British Parliament steps into the ring as
the champion of loose, idle, and disorderly females throughout the world.
It is futile to offer serious
arguments on such a theme and to such disputants. The British do not want to be
set right. What they want is a tolerable pretext for snarling at us, as they
snarl at the French, the Germans, the Italians, the Spaniards, the Russians, and
the human race generally. We might observe that not a single lady in New Orleans
has been arrested under General Butler's order; and that, on the contrary, the
effect of that order having been to compel loose, idle, and disorderly women to
behave themselves decently in public, the streets have since become so quiet and
orderly that the true ladies of the city have been enabled to resume their usual
promenades without fear of their delicacy being shocked by unseemly behavior on
the part of less worthy members of their sex, But, as we said, this explanation
will not soothe the British temper.
John Bull wants a peg to hang a snarl
Lovely, amiable, exemplary
"guardian of civilization!" How touching his sympathy for the fancied wrongs of
ladies against whose mothers, fifty years ago, his armies advanced under the
banner of "booty and beauty!" How refreshing his concern for female purity,
appalling atrocities of the
British campaign in India, in 1858, when, in the language of an officer who
served under Lord Clyde, "whole villages were depopulated, the men slaughtered
in cold blood, and the women and young girls given over to a fate worse than
death!" How edifying his horror at General Butler's barbarity, when we remember
the three days' sack, in 1860, of the defenseless city of Pekin, and the
black-guard pillage, in 1855, of the town and museum of Kertsch!
FOREIGN INTERVENTION AGAIN.
CERTAIN mischief-makers are again
busily trying to dishearten loyal people and encourage the rebels with the old
idle talk about foreign intervention.
The facts are: that two Paris
journals—both, as every body knows, sold to the rebel agents, and whose editors
are as much the property of
John Slidell as his ox or his ass, to wit, the
Patrie and the Constitutionnel—have published articles predicting and
recommending a negotiation between France and England with a view to mediation
in this country. On the strength of these articles, and of a casual visit of M.
de Persigny to England, where his family are staying, the whole tribe of
newspaper letter-writers have revived the old cry of armed interference in this
country, and all the Tory journals of England, which are choking with spite and
fury at the successes of the Union arms, have fallen to braying about
intervention in the old way.
Per contra, both Lord Palmerston
and Lord John Russell have emphatically declared in Parliament that England had
no intention to propose terms of mediation between the American belligerents;
that no proposal for mediation had been made to England by France; that they
thought foreign interference at this time would be most inopportune. Nothing
could possibly be more conclusive against the least approach to foreign
intervention than these solemn utterances of the leading members of the British
Government. So in France. The Emperor's last public avowal of his policy
contained the deliberate statement that, so long as the rights of neutrals were
undisturbed, France had no right or desire to interfere in this country.
Yet, in the teeth of these
authoritative statements, quite a number of American journals are busily engaged
in trying to convince the public that we are menaced by Europe, and that we
shall soon be engaged in a war with France and England. What can be said of such
stupidity and perverseness?
THE ENGLISH COMEDY.
"How do the heathen furiously
rage together!" was the instinctive exclamation of every man who read the
foreign papers and debates upon Butler's famous Order No. 28. Mr. Gregory, the
member for Secesh, scorned to make any inquiry of any under-secretary, but he
"would ask the Prime Minister of England" whether the nation that
blew men from the mouths of cannon in India was
going to look on in silence while refractory women in America were committed to
the calaboose. It was an indecency that shocked civilization and endangered
human progress, according to this amusing British Secesh comedian.
That his particular friends
starve and torture the loyal citizens of the United States who fall into their
hands—that they hack and hew the living bodies of their prisoners, under
pretense of surgical practice, until they die in agony—that they dig up our dead
like hyenas and ghouls—drat they boil the corpses to get the bones—that they cut
them into drumsticks and ornaments—drat they carve the skulls into cups, and
burn the bodies which they can insult and injure no farther, are matters that do
not trouble the excellent Gregory. These are acts naturally to be expected of a
gallant, high-spirited, and refined people, struggling for their liberties
against a brutal lust of power. But that a United States General should enforce
a municipal regulation of New Orleans against women who make themselves
nuisances, that is an incredible enormity, at which the world and Mr. Gregory
stand aghast with horror.
From first to last in this
rebellion John Bull has written himself down an ass. If he had boldly said what
he felt, that he was delighted with the prospect of the destruction of this
Government—that we had always been hateful to him, and that now he would gratify
his spite—if he had at once recognized the rebellion and sent men and ships to
help the traitors, his course would at least have been frank and manly. But to
whine and snivel and sneer—to do all that he could to harm us, short of actual
hostilities—to eat all his words and swallow all his principles—to let "I want
to" be forever held in check by "I don't exactly like to"—this is the mean and
contemptible course he has preferred to pursue.
The reason of British hate lies
deeper than the want of cotton. It is a political and social sympathy. The
British system is only a modification of feudalism. It is a system of special
privilege, not of equal rights. And although ameliorated by the greater
civilization of modern times it is feudal and despotic still, and stretches out
its hand muffled in cotton to grasp the hand of its ghastly kinsman, the hideous
hag of Southern slavery. John Bull is ashamed of the relative—but he
involuntarily owns the kinship.
THE TEN WHO SAVE THE CITY.
IN our natural indignation with
the official and current tone of British criticism upon our affairs, we ought
not to be unmindful of the men who have clearly seen and bravely stated the
truth in the American struggle. Lord Russell may seriously believe that the
unwillingness of a Government to go to pieces without a struggle is merely a
brutal lust of power. But if he does seriously believe it, it is because he is
in his dotage. Lord Palmerston may say any thing that occurs to him to keep in
office, but Lord Palmerston is clearly convicted by Mr. Cobden of the grossest
and most absurd fabrications about the French. These two men are officeholders,
and have always been so. Their view of events in the world is determined by the
bearing of those events upon their chances for office.
But men like John Stuart Mill,
who is always in the slender minority of the noblest Englishmen, we are bound by
every consideration to honor. Another is Mr. Godkin, who lived for some time in
this country, and whose connection with the Daily News in London has enabled
that paper to take and hold the most impregnable position in the foreign debate
upon our affairs. The raciest and most trenchant articles upon our war in the
London Daily News are doubtless written by Mr. Godkin. Still another intelligent
critic and spectator is J. E. Cairnes—a name hitherto unknown to us, the
Professor of Jurisprudence and Political Economy in Queen's College, Galway, and
late Whately Professor of Political Economy in the University of Dublin.
Professor Cairnes has recently
published a work of which the full title is, "The Slave Power, its Character,
Career, and Probable Designs: being an Attempt to Explain the Real Issues
involved in the American Contest." It is the best book upon the general subject
of slavery, and by far the most comprehensive, thorough, and masterly
presentation of the essential question of our war that we have had. But he
regards the matter not as an American, but as a citizen of the world. In his
view it is necessary, in the interest of civilization, that the Slave Power
should be destroyed here and now. He holds that it is not an American question
exclusively, for every nation is interested in retarding an aggressive effort of
barbarism. Intervention therefore, he says, is to be thought of only in one
contingency, and that is when the United States Government finds itself unequal
to destroying the moving cause of the rebellion: in which case every civilized
Power should lend a hand.
He says that Europe has made up
its mind that it is neither possible nor desirable to reconstruct the Union. But
he argues, even if that be so, and the war should result in separation, it is of
the utmost importance to Europe that the Slave Power in the States that secede
shall be absolutely destroyed. Professor Cairnes, however, will hardly die
before he sees that Europe has not so much made up its mind as declared its
fervent wishes. He will live to see the Union reconstructed and the disturbing
But these for us are questions of
the future. The business we have in hand is putting down the rebellion by every
legitimate means of war. It is very possible that the
Slave Power will be
annihilated before the war ends, and as a means to that consummation. In that
event Europe will probably take a new turn and make up its mind that this
Government is absolutely in earnest, and that as this rebellion is causeless it
will be suppressed even at the cost of the extermination of the rebels. It may
also make up its mind that whatever Power interferes merely draws the whole
world into war.
Such men as Mill, and Godkin, and
Cairnes, make us still patient of the name of Englishman. For in therm we
recognize that loyalty to human liberty which is the sole hope of mankind. It is
not that they take precisely the same view of our struggle that we do
ourselves—for in many things we differ; but that they see clearly the cardinal
fact, that it is a fight between Liberty and Despotism, between Class Privilege
and Equal Rights.
TO WHOMSOEVER IT MAY CONCERN.
AT a time like this, when the
country needs all her children either to fight or to advise and practically
sympathize, there are three reasons which travelers to Europe may allege for
their departure. The first is health; the second is unavoidable business; the
third is indifference to the fate of the country. As for the first, there are
many men who, under the circumstances, must feel very ill before they would
consent to go abroad. For the second, every man must judge for himself. And
whoever has not either of the other reasons to urge will naturally be suspected
of the third.
But what kind of man must it be
who can quietly meander through Europe, not only indifferent to the peril which
threatens his country but even ashamed of its condition? Here is as grand an
effort as men ever made for Civilization, Liberty, and Law; here are millions of
men and women sending sons, brothers, husbands, fathers, and lovers to the
battle-field—spending millions of dollars—and calmly beholding the delay of the
national prosperity, in order that the great fundamental principle of the
Government may be vindicated and the integrity of the Union maintained; scarcely
a family but has a drop of its blood in the field—scarcely a home in which
incessant labor is not preparing comfort for the wounded—scarcely a household
but has felt the bloody sting of the war: one thought, one purpose, one
heart-beat all through the loyal land; a convulsion long generating, and whose
consequences are radical and ennobling: a stormy resurrection of the vital
principle of all progressive civilization, an overwhelming of party-spirit by
pure patriotism: and some citizen perhaps creeps and cowers through Europe
ashamed of his country!
Never since we were a nation had
an American such cause of pride and gratulation. Never since the Revolution have
the mien and bearing of this people been so majestic and inspiring as they are
today. Never was there such
reasonable hope that our great destiny will be fulfilled in all the ample
splendor of its conception. Come home, then, poor, shivering doubter! Come home,
wanderer, wherever and whoever you may be, who are ashamed of your country at
this hour! In the name of decency and honor let it not be known that you are an
American, or Europe will believe all that the rebels say. Let it not be
suspected that America produces such men as you, or faith in the triumph of the
nation will become impossible. Come home! come home! You are ashamed of your
country; but oh, wretched man! if you could only know how ashamed your country
is of you!
WITH every arrival from Europe
comes a cloud of rumors of intervention and mediation. But no intention or
threat of that kind can possibly have any other effect in this country than to
stimulate our repression of the rebellion. Europe is at perfect liberty to think
and say what she chooses of us. If she goes farther and begins to act, she will
understand, of course, that she comes into direct collision with us.
The result of an armed English
and French intervention for the rebels would be of the gravest kind. Russia
would necessarily be drawn into the struggle. Spain could not stay out. It would
be universal war. Now nations are governed in the main by a perception of
interest, and the question inevitably asks itself, What political or material
advantage do these Powers gain?
If such an intervention should at
last succeed, and after long years of war the Union should be temporarily
destroyed, politically those Powers would gain the advantage of our division.
But they could not gain that of the failure of the democratic principle, because
the result would be due to the alliance of monarchies with a despotic faction of
citizens whom we should otherwise have controlled.
Materially they would gain the
advantage that might accrue from commerce with the South after cotton had been
lost. For in the course of such a war, not only would the Southern cotton supply
be totally inadequate and uncertain, but the factories of the world must have
been supplied from other sources, or some new material would have replaced
cotton. Evidently the commercial advantage of Europe lies in the sure and speedy
victory of the Government.
There are other contingencies,
especially for France to consider. If France intends to make war upon Mexico
then, of course, she wants us out of the way. But that France cares to make war
both upon the United States and Mexico at the same time is not very probable.
Nor is England likely to fight for the interests of a power with which she has a
traditional feud upon this continent. It is clear that England could possibly
gain nothing by a war with us at the moment when our strength is conspicuous.
The golden moment of intervention was just a year ago. That was lost, and it
will never be recovered.
The talk of mediation and
intervention is only part of the foreign hate and jealousy of this country. It
is a cheap comfort to a cause the Powers do not yet dare to aid with arms. That
it will be always talk is questionable. But in the condition of the public mind
of this country, produced by the conduct of England and France, it is highly
desirable for the peace of the world that not the slightest misunderstanding
should occur between either of those nations and the United States. That their
taunts were not able to compel this country to renounce its traditional
principle even for the purpose of holding Slidell and Mason, is under all the
circumstances an instance of a national magnanimity which seldom occurs in
history. Neither in magnanimity, nor humanity, nor intelligence, nor bravery,
nor in every excellence of civilization and national character, will the United
States suffer by comparison either with a nation that blows its prisoners from
the mouths of cannon or with one that suffocates them in a mountain cavern.
THE members for slavery in the
Congress of the United States ought to try to remember that the House of
Representatives is not a
slave-pen. Mr. Sedgwick, of Syracuse, one of the
Representatives from this State, and one of the ablest, most loyal, and bravest
men in Congress or the country, the energetic chairman of the committee upon
naval affairs, takes the liberty as an American citizen to believe that the
Declaration of Independence is not a lie nor the Constitution of the United
States a fiction, and, in accordance with both those instruments, holds that men
are men, whatever you may say about it; and that if, unhappily, some innocent
men are deprived of their liberty by State laws, it would he better for the
States and for the nation if their rights as men were acknowledged. Moreover, he
believes that if they had been acknowledged the country would be at this moment
more prosperous and in profounder peace than it has ever been. He therefore
wishes that the war may result in destroying the root of rebellion, as well as
in suppressing the rebellion itself; and to that end he desires that every aid
and comfort, including that of the system of slavery, shall be, under the
military powers granted by the Constitution, taken from the rebels.
Mr. Sedgwick is a man of great
ability, of the loftiest character, and of the purest life; and this is his
opinion. It may be a mistaken opinion, for no man is infallible. But certainly
he has the same right to hold and express the opinion that liberty is safer than
slavery that Mr. Mallory or any other person has to announce in the American
Congress that slavery is safer than liberty. In a conversation in the House the
other day Mr. Sedgwick said, that as the war was, by the confession of its
leaders, begun for the extension of slavery, he hoped it would end in its
extinction. Upon which Mr. Mallory remarked that he would be almost satisfied
with the same result, provided that a few (Next