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Robert E. Lee Portrait
FORWARD? Yes, we are going!
What craven turns back?
See the blood that is flowing
To moisten the track!
Blood from loyal hearts torn
When our foes passed this way,
A red pathway has worn,
We must walk there to-day!
Forward? Yes, God be praised!
We are all of one mind,
When His standard is raised
We dare not lag behind.
Dark the world grows around,
And shall we hide our light?
Trait'rous foemen abound,
What can we do but fight?
What are you, friend, or I,
While the Union's enslaved?
Who should mourn if we die,
So the nation be saved?
Oh! the earth closes tight
Where a coward finds rest,
But her green sods fall light
On the patriot's breast!
Yes, we're all marching on,
Sword in hand, side by side,
Bidding rebels begone
Where our flag is defied;
Till the land is united
That they've torn in twain,
And the flag they have slighted
Shall triumph again!
SATURDAY, APRIL 4, 1863.
FOR A VICTORY!
THE news from all parts of the
country confirms the view we took last week of the despairing condition of the
rebels, and the restoration of confidence throughout the North. Since we wrote
the loyal people of the United States have been lending their money to
Government for the prosecution of the war at the rate of a million and a half
per day. The Assistant-Secretary of the Treasury has been obliged to come here
to expedite the printing of bonds, for the engravers could not furnish them as
fast as the people wanted to buy them.
Gold has fallen twenty per cent., and the
collapse of the currency, so much dreaded at one time, is now indefinitely
On the other hand, each arrival
from the South reveals a gloomier picture than the last. Starvation reigns at
Charleston. Flour is $60, $80, and $100 a
barrel. The rebel currency, which is the only money current in Secessia, is so
depreciated that gold sells at 600 per cent. All traffic of every kind is at an
end. Agriculture has been ruined by the Conscription Act. The growth of
manufactures, which had commenced when the blockade was established, has been
checked by the currency collapse, and those which are still working are worked
by the Government. A correspondent in Richmond writes that quotations of prices
are mostly fictitious, for the simple reason that no one sells any thing which
he can avoid selling, and all live simply "from hand to mouth." The railways are
monopolized by Government, and from want of attention to repairs are fast
wearing out—thus depriving the people of the States which have been the theatre
of the war of the means of obtaining provisions from other localities. As to
civil rights, the poor people of the South have none at all. Bands of horse,
furnished with authority from Jeff Davis and his generals, scour the country,
seizing young men and impressing them, stealing property, hanging all who differ
with them, burning cotton, and laying the face of the land as waste as an
African desert. Such is the picture as we find it in the rebel papers and the
narratives of Southern refugees. To such a condition have two years of rebellion
reduced the sunny South.
It is evident that this accursed
insurrection only needs the coup de grace to finish it. That the rebels, however
straitened for provisions and harassed by other tribulations, will succumb
before they have been beaten, we are not prepared to believe. The rebel army
will feed itself, though every one else in the Confederacy starve; and pride
will keep the leaders steadfast as long as it is possible to keep their armies
together. But the news from the South indicates clearly that the rebels are in
that state that a single defeat will destroy them utterly. Such a repulse as we
Fredericksburg —which for sixty days plunged
the North into mourning and almost despair—would be fatal to the insurgents.
Their armies would melt away as the French army did after Waterloo—when a
magnificent corps of some 80,000 men disappeared in a single day so thoroughly
that next morning it was impossible to collect 1000 of them together.
Discouragement and despair would overwhelm garrison after garrison, regiment
after regiment, and we should very quickly have counter revolutionary movements
in each Southern State, and
hastily organized popular
demonstrations in favor of the Union. Backed by a decided victory, the
argumentum ad ventrem may be relied upon to finish the work.
But a victory we must have. Who
will be the General to win it?
Hooker, they say, is moving more or less
rapidly through the mud of the
Grant is not only engineering, but is getting
ready to fight in the Southwest.
Banks's cannon has been heard near Port Hudson.
Hunter's bugle has sounded the advance at Port
Royal. Rosecrans is feeling his way toward Southeastern Tennessee. Which of
these Generals will be the one to enthrone himself in history as the man who put
down the great slavery rebellion? There will be, we honestly think, but one more
great battle. Who shall be the man to win it?
British pirate Florida bids fair to win as
prominent a place in the annals of successful piracy as the other British
the Alabama. The
destruction of the Jacob Bell, with a cargo
worth a million, has been followed by the destruction of another vessel, also,
it is said, richly laden. The work goes bravely on.
When these vessels were placed on
the stocks in England, the British Government was notified that they were
intended to be pirates. At every step in their construction the evidence of
their destination accumulated, and was carefully laid before the British
Government. Minister Adams from week to week informed
Earl Russell of the character of the Florida
and the Alabama, and placed at his disposal the opinion of Queen's Counsel to
the effect that the construction of these vessels was a violation of neutrality.
The Earl was deaf to all remonstrance. "Her Majesty's Commissioners of Customs"
at Liverpool and elsewhere, having probably had their pockets well lined with
Southern money, discovered no evidence that either the Alabama or the Oreto,
alias the Florida, were destined for the service of the Slave Confederacy. It
was not until Earl Russell felt sure that the Alabama had got fairly to sea that
he issued orders to detain her. Like master, like man. At Nassau and at
Barbadoes the pirate Florida is a welcome visitor. Maffit is asked to Government
House, and congratulated by the British colonists on the destruction of American
vessels. The Alabama is feted in Jamaica; and the merchants of Kingston turn out
on 'Change to give a right royal reception to the pirate Semmes. One can not
help remembering that these British colonies were planted as pirates' nests,
grew up on the profits of buccaneering, and are now mostly peopled by the
illegitimate offspring of pirates and mulattoes.
That it has been and is still the
purpose of the British authorities, from Earl Russell down to the tide-waiters
in "Her Majesty's Customs," to help these pirates to get to sea, and to assist
them in their work of destroying American commerce, it is impossible, in view of
the diplomatic correspondence before Congress, to doubt for an instant. Only a
few days ago, Mr. Layard, on behalf of the British Government, stated in
Parliament that he had no information of any vessels being built for the rebels
in England, though the list of their forthcoming fleet has been published in all
the papers, with the names of the builders, and the sites of the dock-yards
where the vessels are building. Two of the so-called "Chinese" frigates have
just been launched by Mr. Laird, the builder of the Alabama.
All the indications point to a
general conspiracy among persons in authority in England against our merchant
navy. The gradual progress of our merchant marine, the superiority which our
builders have attained over British constructors, and the general preference
given by shippers in Asiatic and South American ports to American over English
bottoms, have aroused the alarm of the "shop-keeping nation," and Englishmen are
ready to avail themselves of the alliance of pirates to regain the carrying
trade of the world. Every British official, from Earl Russell to the
half-disguised traitors who officiate as consuls in our ports, is possessed with
the idea that now or never is the time to drive American ships from the face of
This is one of the inconveniences
of the war in which we are engaged, and we must bear it like men. When peace
comes—then will come a reckoning.
LETTER TO AN
My DEAR SIR—Although you have so
clear a perception of the scope of our civil war, and so sincere a sympathy with
the cause of the Government, I observe that you still conceive some sort of
separation to be desirable and feasible, if not inevitable, and you add that
many of our truest friends abroad are of the same opinion. If, however, you will
look carefully at the facts, I am very sure that you will see, as we do, that
the only alternative of the Government is the total overthrow of armed rebellion
and a return to the constitutional methods of settling differences, or
submission to its own ruin.
In the matter of disunion there
are two points to
be considered: first, the
consequences, and, second, the methods.
If we make the attempt to
recognize the "Confederacy," and succeed in maintaining Northern unity, we
surrender the navigation of our great rivers to a treaty settlement. We abandon
Chesapeake Bay, which reaches almost to Philadelphia. We renounce all the
Southern coasts and forts from the Capes of Delaware to and through the Gulf of
Mexico. Those forts command the mouths of the rivers and the course of our
Pacific and South American commerce. Your Thames is an inconsiderable river.
Would Great Britain relinquish the control of its mouth to a foreign power for
the sake of peace? What would its foreign possession be but the sign of
conquest? Besides this, we must establish an internal boundary line of 1500
miles, to defend against the most hostile of enemies. The greatest wars have
been the defense of such lines. Such a line with us would be always festering;
for slaves will escape, and the passions of borderers who have been wrenched
asunder by civil war and consequent hate are uncontrollable. Then the Northwest
is the granary of the continent. The Mississippi is its natural road to market,
and the Northwest must and will control it. What conceivable treaty could
guarantee that control as the Union does? You will tell me that the
self-interest of trade will suffice. But why should it keep a peace under a
treaty which it has broken under a Union? There are other passions quite as
strong as selfishness.
But when, by the supposition, we
have surrendered the coasts, and the rivers, and the forts, we have done so to a
power that has and can have no naval resources, and which must therefore at once
seek a maritime alliance. Disunion thus immediately establishes two foreign
states upon our soil. And by the line which, in case of peace accepted by us, we
must adopt, the North is almost territorially divided between the lowest point
of the Lakes and the highest of the Slave region. And all this renunciation of
territory, navigation, coast, commerce, internal communication, national honor,
safety, and importance—all this whittling down of the imperial United States to
a miserable cluster of balked political communities—when made after a war waged
to maintain its pristine extension and power, is simply a conquest by the enemy,
and an enemy that hates us the more because he was part of us, the ever-ready
ally of any European or foreign foe against us, the willing and constant
aggressor of a power that he has humiliated by arms.
This is upon the supposition that
we ourselves propose an armistice and settlement. If, on the other hand, the
rebels ask for peace, it will be infinitely easier and safer for the Government
to maintain the Union upon terms that secure peace than to intrust the chances
of that peace to an angry and sullen, although for the moment defeated, foreign
But any conceivable method of
disunion is not less disastrous than the consequences. It is often forgotten by
our foreign friends that union is an instinct with the great mass of our people,
because union is synonymous with nation. We perfectly understand that our union
is our strength and our success. It is this feeling which has hitherto enabled
the Slave Power to carry all its measures. It had but to threaten the Union, and
the country fell upon its knees in abject assent. It is the same feeling which
has made the word "Abolitionist," which was synonymous with Disunionist, the
most odious party-name in our history.
Let us then suppose that the
attempt at disunion is to be gravely made. First of all the separating line must
be determined. As there is no natural division this line must be purely
arbitrary. Upon what principle, then, will you establish it? Davis will claim
all the Slave States as his natural domain. But
Kentucky does not willingly go with him, nor
Missouri, nor even Tennessee.
Maryland has a strong rebellious tendency, but
there is a vital Union element in the State. What is to be done? To be a Border
State has been bad enough under the old system of one nation. How will it be
when the border is to be that of a hostile foreign power? Who will stand in the
breach? Evidently there can be but one solution. The question must be referred
to the people of the States concerned. Let Maryland, for instance, decide by
popular vote whether she will go with the South or the North. But if she elects
the South she leaves Pennsylvania a Border State. Pennsylvania will therefore
say at once, "I shall not let Maryland decide whether I am to be a Border State
or not." And she, too, will demand her vote upon the question.
And so we shall immediately
arrive at the practical perception of the dismal truth that by removing one
stone we have loosened the whole arch. The old national system will be gone, and
the national bond being snapped each free State becomes a solitary community.
But by the supposition, while thus the free States fall asunder the rebel States
are a close, cohesive power. Nor only that, but they have shown their ability to
maintain themselves as a Confederacy against tremendous odds, and they have
compassed the destruction of the old system. Is it not inevitable, then, that
the remaining States must establish a new system or gravitate toward the only
united national power upon our late domain? And inasmuch as Union is the most
vital necessity, and the war for the maintenance of the old form of Union will
then have failed, will not the combatant that remains virtual master necessarily
dictate the terms of a new Union? Party- spirit is still fierce. The North, or
the body of loyal citizens, are not united upon any thing but the policy of
preserving the Union, and when "the war for the Union," which is the common
platform of good citizens, is ended by the conceded dissolution of the Union,
every citizen will revert to his party allegiance. One party will cry, "We have
been fighting for the Union, not for the nigger, and having lost the game we
call for a fresh deal. We like slavery, and we go for a union with the South."
Another will cry, "You can't mix oil and water. Any union of slave and free
States, unless slavery or freedom are put
in course of rapid extinction,
will inevitably land us in another war." Intestine brawls will at once bristle
all over separate States which have lost the strength and unity of a common
purpose; and consequent anarchy will thus invite the forcible interference of
the combined power which has compelled the separation.
When we are in a position to do
what you suggest—namely, to curtail the dimensions of the rebellion, to push out
the rebels from our system, and to hold them in check by a Sepoy army—we shall
be masters, and our national peace, prosperity, and honor will be most wisely
secured, as I said, by maintaining the Union. To offer any terms of composition
until we have established that mastery is to confess our inability to do the
work we have undertaken; in other words, to concede victory to the rebellion,
and confess our national ruin.
As a foreigner, your view of our
war is that of human welfare at large, not especially that of the existence of
our Government. Yet your sympathy is with the Government, and why? Because you
believe that the great cause of popular liberty requires its success. Now can
any thing be more disastrous to that Government and fatal to that cause than its
defeat by armed rebels upon its own domain? The parallel which is constantly
drawn in Europe and by many here between the attitude of our Government toward
the rebellion and that of Great Britain toward the American Colonies is
radically false. The relation between Britain and the Colonies was not a union,
and the geographical separation makes all the difference. If you would suppose a
parallel case, it must be that of two or three counties of England, like
Yorkshire and Kent, rising in rebellion, not because they had suffered the
slightest injury or injustice, but because they could not extend certain local
county laws repulsive to the common conscience of mankind over the whole empire.
If the Imperial Government could be justly accused of gratifying a lust of
dominion in aiming to reduce the rebellion by arms, so may we, but not
You will thus see, I hope, that
we are shut up to the issue of victory or ruin. The "peace movement" is simply
the appeal of the most reckless and depraved of our party politicians to popular
ignorance and passion, counting for its success upon the natural fatigue of a
tremendous war, its necessary expense, and, above all, upon the brutal prejudice
against a most unfortunate race. Could such a movement become in any manner
general, and by means of such arguments and such men as support it, the cause of
civil liberty would be indefinitely lost here, and faith in the capacity of men
for self-government would be every where extinguished. The Union is not only the
master word of our destiny, but of that of free men throughout the world.
AFTER all there is no manager
like Maretzek. He has been familiar to us all now for many years. From the
famous days of Truffi and Benedetti down to these very nights in which we hear
one of the best companies that ever sung in New York. Maretzek has been the most
faithful and undaunted of operatic benefactors. His management has been always
skillful and enterprising, and the charge of the jarring and tumultuous
interests of an opera is enough to try the stoutest heart. The success of the
present company is as sure as it is deserved, and it is another obligation of
the public to Maretzek.
IT has been the happiness of Mr.
Church to achieve a more popular reputation than any American painter since
Alston. Cole, Durand, Kensett, and Gignoux, our other masters of landscape, have
a justly won and sustained fame among the intelligent and cultivated lovers of
art. So have Inman, Page, Huntington, Elliott, Gray, and Hicks, the historical
and portrait painters. But the name of Church is doubtless more familiar to the
general public. He alone, with the confidence of success, exhibits his single
works as they are completed. No other name, perhaps, among our artists would
summon such crowds as his.
The reason of this popularity,
and the justice of the public preference, are questions which I do not mean to
consider now. What fame is, what reputation is, what fashion is, are inquiries
that lead us into a region of subtle distinctions. As a Lounger, I have only to
mention that one of the pleasantest public resorts at this moment is Goupil's
gallery in Broadway, where, in the spacious upper hall, hangs in solitary
splendor Church's last great picture Cotopaxi. It is a pendant to the Heart of
the Andes. The other pendant is Chimborazo, a work upon which he is now engaged.
The three are a series. They are parts of a whole in the painter's design, which
is evidently nothing less than an epic of the Tropics in color. If the artist is
fortunate in the selection of a subject so suggestive, so magnificent, so
effective, and practically untouched, the public is not less happy that the
theme has such an interpreter. You may listen to all the objections; you may
hear of the want of imagination, of the mechanical detail, of the lacquered
landscape, of the false glitter, and yet, after all, as we see in the statue of
the Dying Gladiator exactly what Byron saw and sung, so we shall henceforth see
in our fancies of the Tropics precisely what Church sees and paints. After
seeing these pictures the Tropics is no vague word, but a vivid, gorgeous image.
The Cotopaxi shows the apparently
smooth, symmetrical cone of the volcano in the left distance. A vast plume of
smoke floats from its point across the sky in heavy, corrugated clouds, through
which the sun, just risen, shines, irradiating a lake which fills the middle
distance. Beyond the cone are a few mountain peaks, and upon the right, in the
depth of the picture, a group of restless hills. From the fore-ground to
Cotopaxi is a stretch of (Next