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(Previous
Page) been the most ungrateful and troublesome of any he had to deal
with. They used to annoy him incessantly, and frequently broke into the
wine-vaults below and stole his choicest wine.
Another of Mr. Longworth's
permanent and quiet charities was the weekly distribution at his house, every
Monday morning, of three to eight hundred ten-cent loaves of bread to whoever
would call for them. Once, when flour was high, and the bakers reduced the size
of their loaves, Mr. Longworth thought he would be doing his beneficiaries a
good turn by having them made partly of rye, and thus considerably enlarging
their size. His customers, however, as soon as they found it out, raised each a
clamor, and called him so many disparaging names, and annoyed him so much with
their threats and complaints, that he was glad to order a return to the pure
wheat. No crosses and ingratitude of this kind wearied the kindness of his
heart, or distressed him half so much as the sight of destitution and suffering.
When Professor Mitchell took in
hand the establishment of on Astronomical Observatory, and went about soliciting
popular subscriptions for the purpose, application was made to Mr. Longworth to
know whether he would part with his Mount Adams property, and on what terms, as
a site for the proposed Observatory. He at once made a donation for the purpose
of four acres of ground on the top of the hill, conditioned only that it should
be only used for the contemplated object forever.
The personal appearance and
manner of Mr. Longworth were very singular. He was small in stature, probably
about five feet three, thin in figure, and moved with a shambling gait. He was
very careless in his costume. He unfailingly wore a white cravat, with a shirt
collar sometimes reaching to his ears, sometimes falling over on his neck. His
hat was napless, old, and discolored; his clothes fitting loosely about him; his
shoes, or brogans rather, were large and unblacked, with the thongs, if they had
any, straggling about. This figure, with hands stuck in the pockets of a very
long coat, with a quick, twinkling eye, sharp features, and a long thin mouth,
quivering with fun and sarcasm, could be easily recognized in the streets of
Cincinnati as Nick Longworth, the millionaire.
A curious anecdote is related of
him, which illustrates his peculiarity of dress and habit. On one of those
intolerably hot days which visit Cincinnati in mid-summer he sat on a stoop to
rest for a few moments, and while wiping the perspiration from his forehead held
his hat in his hand. A gentleman passing by, judging from his dress and fatigued
appearance that he was in need of alms, dropped a quarter into his hat. This was
in the ancient happy days when quarters formed a portion of the circulating
medium. Mr. Longworth put the coin in his pocket, and remarked, very naively,
"Thank you, Sir; I never earned a quarter so easily before in my life."
Despising the externals of wealth and elegance in his own person, Longworth kept
a princely home. His gardens and hot-houses abounded in the rarest exotics, and
he did not shut them up with a niggard hand from the public. His beautiful
gardens in Pike Street, near Deer Creek, were accessible to every respectable
person who wished to enjoy them, and, if his gardeners were not on hand to point
out their beauties, it is very probable that Nicholas Longworth himself would
perform the part of chaperon. Mr. Longworth was a ready writer, full of wit,
humor, and sarcasm. His contributions to the agricultural magazines and daily
journals were very valuable. In fact, the agricultural and fruit-growing
interests of the West are highly indebted to him for their progress.
Mr. Longworth had four
children—three daughters and one son. One of the daughters married Larz
Anderson, of Cincinnati, brother of the hero of Fort Sumter—a prominent lawyer,
at one time a noticeable Whig politician, and a most elegant and accomplished
gentleman. The wealth of which Mr. Longworth died possessed is put down at
fifteen millions, but it is probable that it may be quoted at a much higher
figure. His city lots alone would probably amount to that sum. The value of his
property in the suburbs of Cincinnati, and in the different counties of Western
Ohio, from Hamilton County to Sandusky, would probably swell his estate to
twenty millions. In every sense he was a remarkable man, whose biography is
worth preserving.
HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, MARCH 7, 1863.
WHO
ARE OUR ENEMIES IN
ENGLAND?
SOME stir has been created in
fashionable circles by the eccentric behavior of a British nobleman, the Marquis
of, or Lord, Hartingdon, son, it is said, of the Duke of Devonshire, who lately
appeared at an evening party given by the banker Belmont with a miniature
secession flag, worn as an order of nobility, on the breast of his coat. He was
civilly requested to remove it, but declined to do any thing so reasonable.
Thereupon an officer in the United States Infantry, a son of our townsman Mr.
Charles A. Hecksher, gave him the choice of removing it himself or having it
removed for him; and the British nobleman wisely chose the former alternative.
It was expected that a hostile meeting would grow out of the little transaction;
but his Lordship has very commendably avoided provoking any such breach of the
peace.
Before we condemn this
interesting member of the British aristocracy—as many of our fellow-citizens
seem inclined to do—we must call to mind his station and the examples he had
before him. The favorite motto of the British
aristocracy is, "Stand by your
Order!" And it is to the faithful adherence of the bulk of British noblemen to
this party cry that the British aristocracy has owed its long lease of power.
Begotten in corruption, fattened on plunder, and subsisting solely through the
inconceivable devotion of the British people to the principle of toadyism, the
British aristocracy would have been long since overthrown and destroyed, but for
the stanch adherence of all its members to the duty of standing by their order,
and opposing, by any and every means, the inroads of the democracy upon their
hereditary domains. Every British nobleman is bred in this principle—that,
perish what may, he must stand by his party. Like John (now General) Cochrane,
who declared himself ready to vote for the devil, if he had received a regular
nomination at Tammany Hall, every member of that hallowed body, the British
aristocracy, is ready to sustain, by word or act, the policy of his order,
though that policy condemn him to stand by Satan and all his myrmidons.
This young lord, now, seeking a
guide of conduct during his stay here, will naturally have found it in the
speeches and writings of the leaders of his party at home. He will have noticed
that Mr. Gladstone, who, though untitled, is one of the most reliable leaders of
the British aristocracy, has expressed his decided sympathy with the Southern
rebels. He has read Earl Russell's sneering dispatches to our Government, and
his speech in which he declared that "the North was contending for power, and
the slave-owners for independence." He has doubtless remarked that Earl Derby
and Mr. Disraeli—also influential leaders of the British aristocracy though of
the party opposed to
Earl Russell and Mr. Gladstone —have concurred
in the opinion that, on the whole, the South was sure to succeed and the North
sure to fail. He will have observed that other persons, representing, more or
less directly, the British aristocracy, such as Sir James Ferguson and Mr.
Lindsay. member of the British Parliament, after coming here, and eating our
beef, drinking our wine, and accepting the obeisances of our snobs, returned to
their home and reviled us, having found no "gentlemen" here outside of the
Southern plantation, where men own their mistresses and sell their children
Finally, if he be an acute and observant youth, he will have perceived that
every journal of aristocratic opinion in Great Britain sympathized with the
rebels, while every democratic organ gave us its support.
Under these circumstances, what
could a young British nobleman—bred in fealty to his order—do but sport a
secession flag? We protest that great injustice has been done this young
man—should we apologize for calling him merely "a man?"—by denouncing him as a
snob, a vulgar rascal, and a scamp who desired to insult Monsieur Belmont's
guests. He merely did what any other British nobleman of his spirit would have
done under the like circumstances.
In the general tendency to
denounce England —which has been aroused by the Alabama, etc. —it is too often
forgotten that the people of England are as palpably divided on the subject of
our war as the people of the United States. In London, Manchester, Birmingham,
Bristol, and a dozen other large British towns, public meetings have been held,
at which resolutions of sympathy with the North have been carried by
overwhelming majorities. The slavery party in England have been challenged to
call a single popular meeting to sustain their views, and have wisely declined
the challenge. It is believed that there is not a single town in England in
which the partisans of the slave Confederacy could venture to face the people on
their platform. Wherever the English people have had a fair chance to express
their views, the honest British spirit has taken sides manfully with the North.
But the aristocracy—the men who
live by other men's labor, like the Southern planters; the lordlings who enjoy
fat estates in virtue of the apostasy of their ancestors, two centuries since,
or because a dissolute female ancestor of theirs became the mistress of a king
or prince; the class which thrives on hereditary privileges and exclusive
rights, and whose property and livelihood depend on the exclusion of the yeomen
of England from the legitimate reward of their labor—this class is our deadly
enemy.
For years, these indecent robbers
of other men's bread—European types of Southern slave-drivers —have regarded the
United States as the chief enemy of their order, and the standing menace of
their sons' inheritance. They have lived, eaten, drunken, and slept, in terror,
lest the people of England should some day discover that American Government was
possible without an aristocracy. In times gone by slavery was the stone they
used to throw in our face. Now they are as fond of slavery as
Jeff Davis and Mason, and they stone us with
the pebble—disunion. And every act and every word of theirs is designed to aid
the Southern rebels—not that they love them, but that they want to show to the
people of England that government without a hereditary aristocracy is an
impracticable vision.
The contest we are waging is not
fought in our interest alone. We are fighting the battle of democracy throughout
the world. If we win, hereditary privilege will have seen its best day.
If we fail, the Marquis of
Hartingdon and his class will realize their dearest hope, and the partisans of
democracy and free government will be crushed for many a generation.
LEAH.
WHEN we spoke last week of the
hatred of races, and mentioned the fearful persecution of the Jews in Europe
three or four centuries ago, we did not know of the powerful sermon that was
nightly preached from the same text in the drama of Leah, played by Miss Bateman
at Niblo's theatre. It is an English adaptation of a German sensation drama, and
there was never a more timely play. It was in its fifth week when we saw it; and
it would be well if it could be seen for fifty weeks, and always by a crowd as
large as that which has thronged the theatre during Miss Bateman's engagement.
The plot is simple, and turns
upon the loathing which was felt in Christian Europe for the Jews. It shows the
deceit, the terrible crimes, the hopeless imbruting of human nature, which
necessarily springs from the indulgence of such hate. The effect is great. As a
simply sensational performance it is remarkable. The play is wrought in bold,
coarse strokes. There is never any doubt as to the meaning. But its peculiar
fitness to the condition of our public affairs is most striking.
The play opens in a village in
Germany upon a holiday. The peasants, after service in the church, pass out,
leaving the old magistrate, the priest, the schoolmaster, and a young woman upon
the scene. The schoolmaster is an apostate Jew, living in terror lest he should
be discovered and betrayed by some of his race, and therefore affecting an
extreme Christian zeal that he may the more relentlessly insist upon banishing
all Jews. There is some theological sparring between him and the priest, in
which the false schoolmaster is painfully zealous for the observance of forms,
and the priest mildly asserts the superiority of the Christian spirit. The young
girl then tells a story of a poor Christian family relieved by some Jews. The
schoolmaster starts with horror, and expresses the most malignant hate of Jews,
and betrays his fear of the consequences of their coming. While they are still
talking the rabble of the village rush in chasing Leah the Jewess, whom they
have discovered, and clamor for her death. The priest, having heard her story,
and moved by his pious human heart, protects her. "What has this forlorn woman
done to you?" "She is a Jewess," reply the mob, "and that's enough. Kill her!
Drown her!" The priest advances and holds them back. "I am your pastor. You are
Christians. Christ commands us to live in charity with all men. Why should you
harm the innocent, who asks only forbearance?" The crowd are softened by this
appeal, and fall back from their victim, who stands motionless and silent. But
the apostate, fearing lest the priest should prevail, and the Jews be suffered
to remain with the chance of discovery and shame to himself, turns toward the
priest and people and says: "But the laws of our country forbid her to remain.
Shall we not obey the laws?" Instantly the crowd roars again for the innocent
blood. But the priest repeats the law of God commanding the succor of the
helpless, and the crowd once more yields.
Then, fierce and malignant, the
apostate turns to them, holding up his finger, crouching, glaring, and
whispering—"We want no Jews here! none of the accursed race here!" Again the
clubs are raised, and the hoarse cry of the rabble is heard. Again the priest
interposes. But the dark apostate, glaring once more and scornfully whispering,
demands: "What do they come for? To beg; to steal; to take your work and wrest
the bread from your mouths! Ha ha ! We want no accursed Jews here!" The rage of
the multitude shrieks in reply, and they press more furiously and threateningly
upon the pale and terrified Leah. The priest appeals; but the ferocious passions
of the mob are in play, and the apostate hisses again: "Not only to beg; not
only to rob; not only to take your work and food, but to steal your children and
murder them for the Passover feast. No Jews here! None of the God-accursed race
in our peaceful village!" It is the critical moment. Malignant hate and
Christian charity contend for the mastery. The mob rushes on to immolate the
unresisting victim, but at the very moment of threatened murder the priest,
vicar of God, places his hand upon the head of the Jewess, raises the cross
above her in the air, and the crowd of furious peasants at the sight of the holy
symbol instinctively fall upon their knees.
The rest of the play develops the
course of crime and universal misery which springs from the fear of the apostate
and the deep-seated hate of the people toward the Jews.
It would not be possible to
represent the attitude and arguments of the reactionary leaders at the North
more perfectly than in the words and conduct of the apostate. The staple of all
the speeches against the Government, and in favor of the rebellion and anarchy
is, like his, an appeal to the popular prejudice against an outcast race. The
argument is simply—"Is a negro equal to a white man? Will you fight for the
negro? Do you want your daughter to marry a black man? Do you want the bread
taken from your mouths and the work from your hands by negroes? Will you have
black Senators and a negro President?"
Upon this hatred of race the
reaction tries to found its political power in order to abase, divide, and
destroy this nation. It has no other hope, no other resource, than this
desperate pandering to the meanest and most inhuman prejudice. If such a course
is not in itself sufficiently revolting—if its exposure in history is not
appalling enough—then, whenever and wherever you can, go and see Leah, and have
the lesson burned in upon your mind, which may help to save the national life
and honor.
OPPRESSION.
AT a time when the desperation of
party-spirit is endeavoring to make it appear that the liberties of American
citizens are endangered by the Government, it is worth while to note an instance
of real oppression by a Government that we may understand what tyranny is. From
some of the wild speeches made in "Conservative" clubs, but fortunately often
hissed as well as applauded, it might be supposed that honest people here were
really in peril. Dungeons and midnight seizures are anathematized as if there
were a system of terror already established. And the loudest cries are raised by
those who have instigated all the mobs in the country for the last twenty years,
and who have deliberately excused the constant wanton violations of the
Constitution, of common right, and of ordinary humanity, which have been always
matters of course in the section now in rebellion.
The immediate occasion of the
late Polish insurrection against the Russian Government was the Conscription for
1863. Instead of being distributed equally among the people it was made to fall,
by a special order, upon one class, and resulted in a seizure of the bankers,
traders, and professional men of the country, "the main object being to clear
the country of all persons likely to disturb the public tranquillity." A general
descent was made upon their houses at night by Cossacks. The victims were
seized. Their hands tied. They were dragged to fortresses, and then sent off in
gangs to the Caucasus and Siberia to serve for twenty-five years in a foreign
army.
Among civilized nations in modern
times there has been no such outrage of humanity and civil right as this, except
in the rebellious slave section of this country. There a more overwhelming
despotism and universal terror prevails than an American citizen of the free
States can believe to be possible. Before the war actually began it was a crime
punishable with insult, danger, and even death to be a Northern man. Now it is a
capital offense to be suspected of fidelity to the country. And this is the
state of things with which those are in full and active sympathy who are so
alarmed by the "Lincoln tyranny." Marshal Kane is profoundly concerned for the
liberties of American citizens at the North, so is Vallandigham, so is May, so
is every man who wishes the success of the rebellion. But upon the fearful and
bloody annihilation of every form of liberty, personal and political, under the
rebel rule, they have not a word to say except in commendation and sympathy.
Let every man ask himself what
this means. To what does "Conservatism" of this kind inevitably tend? Let him
read the recently published work of Rev. Mr. Aughey, who, convicted of loving
his country, escaped from the rebel gallows, and the story of Parson Brownlow,
and of Mr. Stevenson in the Thirteen Months in the Confederate Army, and of Mr.
Russell in his Diary at the North and South; let him talk with his neighbors who
have had experience before the war of the respect shown the rights of an
American citizen by slave-holding communities, and answer.
POLITICAL EXPEDIENCY.
POPULAR politics—to use a
convenient term—began with our Revolution. To control the popular sentiment is,
therefore, the aim of political leaders. How to control it is their problem. The
question has been historically answered in three ways.
First, our fathers answered it by
saving that the general well-being was founded in the perception of natural
equal rights, and was to be maintained by constant popular enlightenment as to
the close relation between the protection of rights, or justice, and public
prosperity. Second, the French Revolutionists of '93 answered it by the simple
word "terror"—a policy which ended in anarchy and military despotism. Third, the
French Revolution of 1830 answered it by saying that the control of public
opinion was to be secured by fear of tumults, and by universal and skillful
corruption.
Louis Philippe was the Magnus
Apollo of this policy. He is the great progenitor and model of what
Mr. Beecher
calls the Pennsylvania and New York school. Louis Philippe depended upon the
timidity of trade, and upon his ability to bribe men by their ambition. If they
wished money, he gave gold. If they wished reputation with action, he gave
office at home and abroad. If they wished passive distinction, he covered them
with honorary decorations. His reign was the policy of governing by selfish
interest, tried by the most skillful hand under the most favorable conditions.
What was the result? Simply that, after a career of eighteen years, his
government suddenly ended, not by an overthrow, but by a collapse—a tumbling
down. In all France no voice spoke for it—no finger was raised for it. The old
Bourbon branch, the effete branch as we call it, at least struggled, convulsed
Europe north the world, and finally, by its foreign alliances, conquered the
revolution, seated Louis XVIII. in the Tuileries, and sent Napoleon to St.
Helena. But the younger branch simply rotted in its place, and, like a tree,
sank suddenly and wholly, not in a gale, but because of its utter decay.
The doctrine of Louis Philippe is
that of a school of politicians among ourselves. It is what is called the
doctrine of expediency. It claims the possession of common sense. It sneers at
dreamers, and impracticable theorists, and visionary philosophers. It assumes to
be practical, to take men as they are. Its boast is that it deals with facts. It
informs us that civilization and progress are slow processes; that we can't
hurry God; and that Jefferson tells us to do what we can, and not to spoil every
thing by trying to do all we would. In one word, it declares that politics have
nothing to do with morals, because politics as a system is the science of
expediency.
Granted. But now please to
explain your explanation. If there were ever a politician unvexed by any moral
qualms, Louis Philippe was he. If there were ever a man of expedients, Louis
Philippe was the man. If ever the doctrine that government (Next
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