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Robert E. Lee Portrait
THE GALLOP OF DEATH.
tan-ta-ra, tan-ta-ra, tan-ta-ra!
"Boots and saddles!—quick, quick! Now mount and
Look sharp and ride fast; that's the
word. Hip, hurrah!
We must catch them asleep at the dawning of day!"
Now they noisily dash through the rippling
Now silently gallop along the soft sand;
Then off with a bound through the woods, where no gleam
Of star-light shines through, rides the brave, gallant band!
"Now slowly and steadhy. Hist!—not a word!"—
'Tis the sentinel sleepily pacing his beat.
The murderous swish of a sabre is heard,
And he falls with a groan at the first horse's feet.
"Draw sabre! Now charge, boys! No powder to-night!"
Rings the voice of the chief, while the loud bugles blare
'Mid the clashing of swords, striking flashes of light,
And the fierce victor-shouts, and the yells of despair.
'Twas a brave work done by that gallant band;
Let their praises be sounded on every breath
Of wind that blows o'er our glorious land!
And this be the song of the Gallop of Death:
'Tis the bugle's stirring call:
Mount, boys, mount,
And never count
What will be your chance to fall.
On, boys, on, till the morning sun
Gleams on our flag, and the vict'ry's won!
It matters not
If a rebel shot
Put an end to our fleeting breath—
Ride, boys, ride,
And luck betide
Those who ride the Gallop of Death!
On, boys, on, till the morning sun
Gleams on our flag, and the vict'ry's won!
With ringing clash,
And lightning flash,
We'll strike a righteous blow;
And let the shout
Ring loudly out,
As we smite the traitors low.
On, boys, on, till the morning sun
Gleams on our flag, and the vict'ry's won!
And when 'tis done,
And the vict'ry won,
We'll gayly march to camp;
And joyous song,
As we ride along,
Keep time to our horses' tramp.
On, boys, on, and the morning sun
Will smile on us and the brave work done!
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1863.
THE WINTER CAMPAIGN.
Washington comes once more the weary report that the campaign in Virginia is at
an end. In November, say the strategists, Virginia mud is impracticable. The
only episode of the fall campaign has been
Lee's unsuccessful attempt to
Meade or to force him to fight on the banks of the Rappahannock. Having
this, the rebel chief has fallen back to his old quarters, within easy reach of
Richmond and Staunton, having lost in his brief enterprise about as many men as
we did, and minus four or five guns, against which last loss he has no set-off.
The Richmond editors do not seem well pleased with the result, on the whole, and
we are not surprised at it. Whether, as is assumed at Washington, the campaign
in Virginia is really over is not very certain to our mind. Virginia mud is no
doubt very deep and very cohesive, but is
much more difficult to navigate than the swamps of the Mississippi, through
Banks marched their armies to victory? Of the propriety of marching
forward at once to give Lee battle where he is, the President and General Meade
must be much better judges than we are. But one does not need to be much of a
soldier to see that if Lee sends any considerable portion of his army to
reinforce Bragg in the Southwest it will be possible for Meade to attack him to
advantage in Virginia, mud or no mud, and that he ought on no account to fail to
So far as can be now discerned, however, the true key,
in a military sense, to the rebel position is in the Southwest. It is
doubtful whether the conquest of all Virginia, including of course Richmond,
would really impair the capacity of the rebels to continue the war, so long as
they held the more southern States. To lose Richmond would be a very serious
loss, not only in a moral aspect, but likewise in view of the stores and
work-shops established there. But it would not be fatal. Raleigh would answer
every purpose of a Confederate capital, and the rebels have shown that they can
build foundries and cast shot and shell any where. Thus far, with the single
exception of the capture of
Norfolk, it is questionable whether all our
operations in Virginia, from the commencement of the war to the present time,
have yielded any permanent advantage to the Union cause.
Very different with our operations in the West. There, every blow struck has
told. Every Union success has visibly weakened the capacity of the rebels for
further resistance. The loss of New Orleans, the loss of
Nashville, the loss of
Vicksburg, the loss of the Mississippi, the loss of Chattanooga—these
are losses to them irreparable, tending each of them directly to render it
impossible for them to protract the
few more such successes will render this tendency imperative.
Our military policy in the West is very
simple. We hold the river. That we
must continue to hold, and are preparing to do so by a system of forts
garrisoned mainly with negro troops, and connected together by gun-boats. Every
New Orleans is being fortified; gun-boats patrol the river
from end to end, almost within sight of each other: so that, when the work is
complete, it will be impossible to wrest it out of our hands, though guerrillas
will of course continue to annoy unarmed vessels for a long time to come.
Then we hold
Chattanooga and the two lines of communication therewith—one
to Nashville through Tullahoma and Murfreesboro; the other to
Stevenson, Huntsville, Florence, and Corinth. These long lines we must keep. We
must be prepared to hear almost daily of attacks on them by rebel raiders, of
bridges burned, trains captured, tracks torn up. These injuries we must
patiently repair, and punish the raiders whenever we can catch them: bearing in
mind, as a consolation, that however annoying these raids may be to us they are
of no use to the rebels, and do not invalidate the fact that we hold the two
through the heart of the Confederacy, and
are every day gradually, by our mere occupancy, crushing out its life.
This is, however, only the beginning of what we have to do. Chattanooga must
become, by-and-by, the base of a new offensive operation into Georgia—the object
of which will be a junction with the land army of
Gilmore at or near Savannah or
Charleston. Success in this operation presupposes the defeat of Bragg by Grant,
and the capture of Charleston by Gilmore—both of them operations of great
difficulty, as we have all learned by this time. Both Gilmore and Grant will
need more men than they have; more guns, and more supplies. But they are getting
more men, guns, and supplies, and pretty soon the campaign will open. How soon
it will end, or how many campaigns it will
take to achieve the purpose, no one can tell, and few inquire; for every
one knows that, no matter how long it takes, the work will be steadily
prosecuted till it is completed. When Gilmore
and Grant shake hands in Georgia or South Carolina, the second bisection
of the Confederacy will be complete, and we shall then he glad to hear from the
Enquirer on the subject of peace.
ONE POINT GAINED.
steady abuse which has been poured
upon this country by the British press ever since
the war began has conferred upon us an inestimable benefit. It has enfranchised
us from the condition of quasi-colonial dependence—as to public opinion—in which
we had previously existed. Before the war, abuse England and Englishmen as we
might, we all secretly feared and respected British opinion. No native newspaper
wielded as much power in our educated circles as the London Times.
The articles of that journal were invariably republished in our dailies, were
eagerly read, and very generally accepted as a guide of conduct by intelligent
Americans. From the smallest things to the greatest we were used to being led by
expressed a preference
in a Presidential contest, its candidate's prospects rose instantly. Congress
trembled before the mandates of the foreign journal; and the public scarcely
dared render a definitive verdict on a book, or a play, or a picture, until the
great British papers had pronounced on the subject.
Neither the War of Revolution nor the
War of 1812 succeeded in emancipating us from
the control of the Mother Country in matters of opinion, judgment, and taste.
It was reserved for the Slavery Rebellion to complete our independence. It must
be confessed that it has done the
work pretty thoroughly. Every American who reads any thing at all has now
ascertained that the London
Times and most of the other British journals are, in the first place, so
ignorant of this country that their opinions are valueless; and, secondly, so
brutally hostile to our national existence that their counsels should be
regarded as the sneers of an enemy. There is hardly a prediction that has been
made by the leading London journals which has not been falsified. There is not a
suggestion that has found place in them which it would not have been injurious
to adopt. They have learned by this time that the Potomac does not empty into
the Mississippi, and that Vicksburg is not on the Hudson. But they have not
learned not to hate us, and not to wish for our ruin.
The consequence is that we have at length achieved our independence, and are as
indifferent to British opinion as we have always been to French or German
opinion. No French or German criticism of our policy or our habits ever annoyed
us. And now we care as little about British criticism. Our journals no longer
publish the abusive articles of the London
Times, for nobody cares to read them. It is taken for granted that
whatever is said about us in England will be false, mean, unjust, and
ill-natured; and nobody cares about seeing the precise
form of abuse adopted. Henceforth we shall pay no more attention to what the
English think or say than we do to the views of the Dutch or the Spaniards.
This is a great point gained, and really lays us under obligations to the London
press. Nothing was more injurious to the development of independent national
thought than the craven, semi-colonial deference to British views which used to
prevail in this country. We shall hear no more now of what the London
Times says on this or that subject, or what the British Reviews have
decided on this or that book, policy, picture, or play. We are going now to do
our own thinking. For this great boon let us be duly thankful.
steady advance in the price of manufactured goods imported from abroad should
secure to our manufacturers an era of unexampled prosperity. All kinds of dry
goods and hardware, for instance, imported from England, have advanced, since
the war began, from 75 to 150 per cent. With the exception of cotton, there has
been no corresponding advance in the
cost of the raw material; and labor, though more
valuable than it was, has not risen in an equal ratio. The fact is, the tariff
was advanced at the commencement of the war from an average
of 20 per cent. to an average of 30 per cent., and
the duties being payable in gold, the actual duty has averaged 40 or 45 per
If legislation and casual favors can develop
manufacturing industry in this country, we ought now to become
independent of the world. There is not a manufactured article used in any house
in the United States which can not now be made cheaper in this country
than it can be imported from abroad. There is not a tool, or an article of
wearing apparel, which New England can not produce at a lower price than it will
cost to procure a similar article from Europe. If our manufacturers have any
energy, they will now drive the foreigner out of our markets once and forever.
But there must be no mistake in the selection of a site for manufactures. New
England is not destined to be the home of manufacturing industry, for the simple
reason that it does not possess the coal which is the main-spring of
manufactures. It is in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois—especially the
latter—that the great factories of the United States will finally find their
home. Illinois alone is capable of
manufacturing every thing that is wanted in this country, from
steam-engines to kid gloves; from threshing machines to buhl tables. And now is
the time to establish factories there. The great manufacturing establishments of
England which have enriched Manchester, and Leeds, and Paisley, and Birmingham,
date from the Napoleonic wars. If our capitalists are shrewd and enterprising,
our great war will do as much for them, the great manufactures of the United
States will now be established at the West, and this country will not only
become independent of Europe, but will, by-and-by, be prepared to send goods
thither as well as produce.
OUR FRIENDS IN ENGLAND.
WE have all spoken with constant and just indignation of our enemies in England;
have we thought or said enough of our friends? We have
always had them even there. Edmund Burke, our
British friend in the Revolution, did not justify the colonies. He said
only that it was impolitic for
Britain to exercise the right she claimed, and therefore he would not ask
whether she had it. But our friends in England now are unconditional.
They clearly comprehend the origin and scope of
the war, and they spare no effort to enlighten the
public mind around them. In fact no country torn by war ever had so firm,
intelligent, and active a body of friends in another country as the United
States now have in England. The senile absurdities
of Lord Brougham, the dandy slanders of
Sir Bulwer Lytton, the feeble
flings of Carlyle, the thundering falsehoods of the Times, the shrill
chorus of abuse from the lesser press, and the long-continued,
contemptuous "neutrality" of the Government,
pausing only when it saw distinctly that the sailing of the Rams was
war—all these, with the passionate
hatred of the Union, and maudlin sympathy with a rebellion to establish
slavery, which abound in the London
clubs and English society, are not more remarkable than the faithful
friendship of John Stuart Mill, of John Elliott Cairnes, of Goldwin Smith, of
John Bright, and of the others
whose names are familiar in our ears and our hearts.
With the beginning of the rebellion, and the declaration of equal belligerence
by the British Government, these
men began their work of active friendship. Mr. Mill's pamphlet upon the
American contest was a clear and
masterly statement of the situation. None more comprehensive and powerful
has been made in this country. First issued in a magazine, it was subsequently
published separately. It was followed by letters in
the same spirit in answer to invitations to public meetings. An article
of his upon the American question
in the Westminster Review is unsurpassed
for its wisdom, common sense, and manliness applied to our great
The work of which Mr. Mill's article was a review, "The Slave Power," by
republished here by Carleton and by a
Boston house, is the most complete presentation of the subject ever made.
The perfect familiarity of the author, not only with the political movements of
the last thirty years in this country, but with their
most secret spirit and bearing, and his calm and elaborate exposition of
the social and industrial death which is, by the laws of political economy and
of nature, engendered by slavery, make this
book the most valuable single work which the long and fierce debate in
this country has produced.
Professor Cairnes was at once attacked by all the
English emissaries and agents of rebellious slavery.
His facts were denied, his arguments controverted, and his conclusions
scouted. But the champion was worthy of the cause. He stripped for the
fight, and in the columns of the London Daily News he absolutely
demolished his antagonists. They
were either Englishmen who did not understand
the merits of the case and the qualities of their opponent, or they were
renegade Americans, who supposed
that their mere dicta would prevail in an American question. But Mr.
Cairnes cleared the field. His argument, his good-humor, his agility, his ample
and detailed knowledge, were irresistible. A lecture upon the war delivered by
him last winter in Dublin was printed and circulated
as a tract, and his "Slave Power" was issued in a second and enlarged
edition. It is a work indispensable
to every man who would thoroughly comprehend the slavery question. In all
his conclusions the American reader may not agree. But nobody will deny the
immense service it has rendered to the American cause.
Goldwin Smith, Professor of History at Oxford,
was first generally introduced to the public of this
country by his most able speech last spring at the meeting in Liverpool
or Manchester to protest against the building of rebel pirates in English yards.
The meeting was nearly simultaneous with the debate in Parliament in which Mr.
Laird, amidst the loud applause of British lawgivers, flippantly announced that
he intended to break the British
laws. Mr. Goldwin Smith claimed that if the law were not sufficient, the
law should be changed. Lord
Palmerston sneered that the
Government would not ask a change of the law.
Six months afterward Lord Palmerston's colleague
declared that they would. In April Goldwin Smith
demanded that Great Britain should hold a certain
course, because it was the only honorable and dignified
one. In October the British Government ungraciously
says it intends to take it, because it is
the only safe one. Which of us—as Goldwin Smith
indignantly asks—which of us
has dishonored and belittled
England? His pamphlet, just republished
here, upon the question whether the Bible justifies
American slavery, is the conclusive reply of a
competent and trained scholar to the shallow brawling
of reverend charlatans. At the moment when
the Times and English public sentiment are trying
to persuade themselves that slavery is, after all, a
Christian institution, Professor Smith scatters the
hope of success, and so knocks another prop from
English sympathy with slavery in bloody rebellion
against the peace and existence of a power friendly to England.
The speeches of Mr. Bright, of Mr. Forster, and of Mr. Cobden, are familiar to
our readers. Their steady attitude
of sympathy will not be forgotten
whatever befalls. And that nothing may be wanting
to show the quality of our English friends, they
have now begun the publication of a series of short
monthly penny tracts. The first, by Francis Power Cobbe, "The Red Flag in
John Bull's eyes," the second, by Isa Craig, "The Essence of Slavery,
extracted from Mrs. Kemble's Georgian Journal;" the third, "Who are the
Canters?" by Professor Cairnes; the
fourth, by Edward Dicey, etc. While
such friends do such work for our cause we have no right to speak of
"England" as hostile. For they
speak the thought of the leading minds of England. They forecast its
future. And it is for their sake,
for their tried and true friendship for us, that every loyal American is
bound to do all he can by temperate
criticism and forbearance, not indeed sparing
the sharpest censure of the venal falsehood of
the British press, and the meanness of the British
Government, to lessen the chances of war between America and England.
FROM A DIARY.
THE Lounger's friend who keeps a diary has returned
from his summer wanderings to his corner
at the club, where he hears and sees a great many amusing things. It is
with his consent that the Lounger transcribes a few passages:
Coming in the other morning I found X—
the cool way in which the World cuts Vallandigham, "the
representative martyr of the Lincoln despotism," as X—
called him. Then he turned to the Express of the previous
evening, and laughed still more. "What does it say ?"
I asked. "I don't know," he answered, "but the mere
name of the paper reminded me of a certain M. C. for the
city, and of a story I heard at Mrs. Chaffinch's dinner-table
yesterday. I sat next to the furious Mrs.
husband, you know, is in the rebel army. She turned to
me and said, 'I suppose you hate us like the rest.' 'My
dear Madame,' I answered, 'I hate nobody; I am a philosopher.'
"She was quite reassured, and prattled on in the most
amusing way. 'Do you know,' said she, 'that I have
been afraid to go into society ever since I have been in
New York, lest I should hear remarks offensive to Southern
" 'My dear lady,' said I, 'New York is a very large
place. You may choose your society, and you must be
extremely fastidious if you are not suited. Mormons and
Mohammedans, I doubt not, find congenial companionship
here. Why should a rebel despair, my dear Madame?'
said I, smiling.
" 'Oh!' she answered, 'I am quite elated. I called the
other day at the house of one of your members of Congress,
and there was a large company assembled; and I
assure you, although public affairs were discussed, and I
am the wife of a Confederate officer, I heard nothing that
was not most agreeable to my feelings—nothing at all."'
"Whew!" said I: "and what did you say to that?"
"I smiled, en philosophe, and I said, 'Why, my dear
Madame, you might have been at the house of any of our
city members, and your ears would have been perfectly
secure.' (Next Page)