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Robert E. Lee Portrait
KING COTTON looks from his window
Toward the westering sun,
And he marks with an anguished
That his race is almost run.
His form is thin and shrunken,
His cheek is pale and wan,
And the lines of care on his
Are dread to look upon.
But yesterday a monarch
In the flush of his pomp and
And not content with his own
He would rule the world beside.
He built him a mighty palace,
With gold from beyond the sea,
And he laid with care the
And he called it Slavery.
He summoned an army with banners
To keep his foes at bay,
And, gazing with pride on his
He said, "They shall stand for
But the palace walls are
And partly overthrown,
And the storms of war, in their
Have loosened the corner-stone.
Now Famine stalks through the
With her gaunt and pallid train;
You can hear the cries of
As they cry for bread in vain.
The King can see from his palace
A land by his pride betrayed—
Thousands of mothers and wives
Thousands of graves new-made.
And he seems to see in the
The shape of a flaming sword,
Whereon he reads with a sinking
The anger of the Lord.
God speed the time when the
Shall be hurled from his
And the palace of Wrong shall
crumble to dust,
With its boasted corner-stone!
A temple of Freedom shall rise
On the desecrated site,
And within its shelter alike
The black man and the white.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1864.
UNCLE SAM'S PENCE.
HOW is it that the
Commission spends so much money? is a question that is constantly asked. It has
made nearly half a million by its fairs, and it still cries, More! more! Yes,
but it has not made the half-million. The money collected at the great fairs has
been entirely at the disposition of the local sanitary authorities, not of the
Commission. The Boston fair chose to send fifty thousand dollars to the
Commission; and it was well done, as it was truly needed, and will be wisely
spent. But while the proceeds of the fairs will be converted into material
supplies, there is a large monthly cash outlay which the Commission has to meet,
or stop its operations. Distributing supplies is but one part of the work of the
Commission; and if all the money raised should be devoted to that purpose more
than half its benefits would be destroyed.
A moment's thought will show
exactly the point, and Tract No. 78 of the Sanitary issues tells the story
plainly. The Sanitary Commission works, as it were, with five hands. It
distributes supplies. It inspects camps and field-hospitals by medical men. It
inspects general hospitals by the same agents. It organizes special relief with
all its agencies, in all its departments; and it keeps an accurate Hospital
Directory, so that the situation and condition of five hundred thousand soldiers
may be known to their friends throughout the country.
Now this Sanitary inspection may
save more lives than hundreds of wagon-loads of supplies. Shall the Inspection
be abolished? If not, it can be supported by cash only.
Or the Special Relief, which has
lodges and homes all along the Atlantic coast and upon the Mississippi
shores—shall it be relinquished? Ask the soldiers. But if it is to be
maintained, it can only be with money.
Or the Hospital Directory? It
costs very much, but it tells all about the sick and wounded, wherever they may
be; and when it was lately a question whether it should be continued, there was
such an earnest pressure from the friends of the soldiers every where not to
give it up that it was seen to be a necessity of the service, and is continued.
Now, to keep all this machinery
going. so essential to the welfare of the soldiers and the happiness of their
homes, at least thirty thousand dollars are required every month. It is from the
Central Treasury that the money for such expenses is drawn; and it is in this
view that, while its branches in the Supply Department may be full to
overflowing, the Commission may be hard pushed to continue its operations in the
fivefold way which experience and wisdom have demonstrated to be necessary for
the complete success of any one department. Besides,
all the agents, and they must be
hundreds, in all the departments are paid agents, as they ought to be, both for
effectiveness and discipline. There is the system of transportation also,
independent of the regular army medical department, which enables succor to be
immediate upon the battle-field, and there is the outlay for every form of
relief at every battle.
For all these purposes ready
money is essential. It must be as sure an income as that of any other business,
and it must last while the war lasts, or this great mercy must stop. Now the
revenue for the work is drawn and can be drawn only from the hearts of the
people, for in this case it is the heart that opens the purse. The money given
is the Peter's pence of the crusade of humanity in which the nation is engaged.
Who wishes it to stop? Who, if he had but twopence, and a son or brother or
friend in the war, but would say, "One of them shall be for Peter, whose name
this time is
THERE is one gross injustice to
soldiers which Congress should not lose a week in correcting, and that is
the pay of the colored troops. If
colored men are apes, don't enlist them. If
the prejudice of race and color is insuperable, yield to it. But why should the
American people do an unpardonably mean thing? If we are ashamed to acknowledge
the heroism of the colored troops at
Milliken's Bend, at
Port Hudson, at
Wagner—upon every field, in fact, and in every battle where they have been
tried—let us at least be manly enough to say to them, "We can not treat you
honorably, so go home!"
Man for man, the colored troops
at present enlisted are not inferior to any of our soldiers. Whole regiments
were recruited under the express statement from
Washington that they were to be
treated like all other soldiers. Whole regiments, finding that we did not keep
our word, have declined to receive any pay whatever, and have respectfully
preferred to wait until we were ready to fulfill our promises, meanwhile
performing cheerfully the most incessant and onerous duties. How long would any
regiment of white men, however brave and loyal, which had been enlisted like the
Fifty-fourth Massachusetts (colored), under the promise of thirteen dollars a
month and three dollars and a half for clothing, remain quiet under a monthly
payment of seven dollars and three additional for clothing? And who would blame
them for demanding the fulfillment of the contract or a release from service?
Do we at this moment need all the
stalwart arms we can gather to the national cause or not? Is this a time when we
can wisely disband the fifty or sixty thousand colored soldiers already in the
service? And is there one Senator or Representative in Congress, excepting
Fernando Wood's men, who does not know that the people wish the colored troops
to be paid equally with all others? "I suppose my body will stop a bullet as
well as another," said a colored soldier with bitter sarcasm.
The prejudice from which this
injustice springs is part of the foul fruit of slavery. What is called an
instinctive antipathy is merely the feeling inevitably associated with the color
of an enslaved race. If the Thracians had been of a blue complexion, the Romans
would have declared that they had an instinctive antipathy to blue men. For why
should not a Frenchman or an Englishman have it toward the black race as well as
we? "How did you feel," naively asked a gentleman, at a dinner-table in this
city, of an Englishman who had been describing a visit to the West Indies, "when
you found yourself sitting at table between two colored men?" "They were
gentlemen," was the answer, and I felt as I do at this moment."
But the point for every honest
man to ponder is this: We invited the colored men to fight for us: they have
shown themselves brave, clever, and obedient, and we refuse to pay them what we
pay other soldiers. Not to speak again of the sheer breach of faith and wanton
injustice of such conduct, a distinction like this, even if it were honorably
made, tends to maintain a feeling of caste which would be fatal to the army. All
that we ask is fair play for every man who will risk his life for the country;
and against foul play, whether with Americans, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Irishmen,
or Germans, whether with white, black, or red men, we shall not fail to protest
as earnestly and persistently as we can.
TO DO IT.
THERE are two policies of the
restoration of the Union. One is that of the Copperheads, and the other that of
the Administration and the Union men of the country. The first proposes that
whenever the rebel leaders lay down their arms and take the oath to the
Constitution the National armies shall be disbanded. The other proposes that,
until the country has received some satisfactory proof that the rebellion is
destroyed, and not merely smothered, it shall hold the rebel district by arms.
For instance, we advance into
Georgia. The rebel army, let us suppose, surrenders. The people take the oath. A
is appointed by the National
authority, and he orders an election. Who shall vote? "Why, of course," cry the
Copperheads, "those who are voters under the State Constitution!" Very well. The
election is held, and a tool of Stephens or of Toombs, or Robert Toombs himself,
is elected Governor. What will you do? Shall the Government order
to evacuate Georgia? Is the State restored to the Union and peace secured? Or if
in Mississippi Jefferson Davis—under another name, but equally false to the
Government—is elected Governor according to the forms of the State Constitution,
is he to be recognized and the troops withdrawn?
No citizen of the United States
acts so absurdly in his smallest private matters. Does any body suppose that
collectively those citizens will play the fool? Have they been sending their
sons and brothers to be murdered for nothing? Do they mean to put a premium upon
treason and rebellion? If the Constitution did not enable them to settle the
question as it should be settled, their common sense would supersede the
Constitution. The Copperhead theory of the Constitution is simply that of the
rebels. It is, in their view, an instrument to prevent the maintenance of the
United States Government, and to secure the success of rebellion. All the dreary
twaddle about the sovereignty of States is but an echo of
which was expressly devised to cover disunion and destroy the National
The plan which already commends
itself to public approval is that of the Administration. It proposes first to
occupy the rebel States by force of the national arms; then to appoint a
provisional governor, who may order an election. By what authority? By that of
the United States. And the same authority—not the State Constitution—will decree
when, where, and under what conditions, that election shall be held. If it
result in the election of men who conform to these conditions, they become the
rightful government of the State, because they represent the people of the State
who are loyal to the United States. If these people are but a tenth of the
inhabitants, and can not enforce their authority upon the rest, the United
States Government helps them by force of arms, as it is bound to do by the
Constitution. When that loyal State authority shall inform the Government of the
United States that it is able to maintain itself the national force will be
Now the paramount condition of
the election must be the oath against slavery, and this for two reasons, First,
because the only sensible hope of quiet lies in the release of the people of the
South from the control of a slaveholding aristocracy; and, second, because the
overthrow of the system is the end to political intrigue at the North based upon
slavery. There is no doubt whatever that so long as that absurd contradiction of
the American principle, and conscience, and policy endures, just so long the
peace of the country will be threatened.
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, a
Southerner, a slaveholder, a Democrat, expresses the sense of the American
people in saying: "Slavery has been the destroying element which tried to put
down the Government, and the Government should put it down immediately and
SENATOR WILSON has done well in
withdrawing his resolutions for the expulsion of Senator Garrett Davis. The
letter of Mr. Davis declares that he meant only a legitimate Parliamentary
opposition to the measures of the Government, and there is no reason for
doubting his sincerity. He is a man who inspires more sympathy than indignation,
because his temper is so furious and ungovernable that every time he speaks upon
public affairs he becomes a melancholy spectacle, and he has lived through three
years of the war without comprehending in the least degree either its cause or
its inevitable consequence. The speeches and resolutions of such a gentleman
must be patiently endured, like those of Mr. Roebuck in the British Parliament,
or of the Copperhead orators in our own House of Representatives.
Mr. Garrett Davis is a statesman
who believes that if a few secessionists and a few abolitionists had been hung
four or five years ago there would have been no trouble. That civil wars are
always the conflict of ideas and not of men, he does not perceive. He
undoubtedly thinks that if Martin Luther had been quietly poisoned there would
have been no Protestant Reformation, and if only Patrick Henry had been
throttled, the American revolution would have been avoided. But all such men are
fruit, they are not trees. So long as the trees last the fruit will be
generated. Every form of injustice, of despotism, of tyranny, will forever
produce enemies. You may shoot John Hampden, but you have not wounded civil
Liberty. You may strike Charles Sumner into silence, but the barbarism of
slavery will still be denounced. On the other hand, you may hang Jefferson
Davis, but slavery will breed Davises of every kind as long as it lasts.
If Senator Davis were a younger
man he might at last comprehend these simple truths of human nature and of
history. But if, as Confucius said, a man never changes his habits after
he is forty years old, how much
less can a politician be expected to change his views after he is seventy? As
long as he sits in Congress Mr. Davis will divide his wrath between the
partisans of Slavery and the friends of Liberty, and believe ardently and
sincerely that if you wish to prevent nettles from stinging you must reprove
THE rebellion will not break up
like a frozen river in spring; and amidst its waning fortunes we are not to
forget that it has still a large, brave, and trained army, led by desperate
chiefs, and that this army will not disappear until it has struck some strenuous
blows. General Schenck, of Ohio, said pertinently in Congress last week that we
must be prepared for wild movements from the rebels in extremity. For
undoubtedly they will mass their forces and fall with overpowering weight upon
some point of our extended lines. Exactly where they will strike it is
impossible to say; nor is it unreasonable to suppose that their first onslaught
may be successful. We can therefore only be prepared, and not be dismayed by the
Yet there are certain points of
cardinal importance, where a rebel surprise or success should be impossible.
East Tennessee, for instance, is a position so important that its possession was
deemed worthy of a special call for national Thanksgiving from the President but
a few weeks since. Its value to us and its necessity to the rebels are known to
every soldier and civilian in the country. Any mishap there, therefore, would be
simply unpardonable. The nation has the clearest right to require that, whatever
occurs elsewhere, East Tennessee shall be held. It is certainly unfortunate that
we should have heard of General Grant's presence in St. Louis simultaneously
with the falling back of our forces before Longstreet toward Knoxville; for what
becomes of our Thanksgiving of two months ago if Longstreet can seriously
threaten Knoxville now? That should not be a debatable point; for any disaster
in that region would shake public confidence more than any other conceivable
event, except a successful rebel advance upon Washington.
TOO FINE A POINT.
Nor to put too fine a point upon
it, does any body really believe that Messrs. Vallandigham, Bayard, Brooks,
Saulsbury, Seymour, & Co. are more loyal to the Constitution, or more anxious
that the liberties of every citizen and the dignity of each State and of the
nation shall be preserved than Mr. Lincoln and the mass of the people in the
Does any body sincerely suppose
that, if these gentlemen were charged with the conduct of this war, a permanent
and prosperous and honorable peace would be obtained more speedily than it will
probably be under the present authorities?
Does any body doubt that if Mr.
Jefferson Davis, and Judah Benjamin, and Robert Toombs could have their way they
would prefer to have the Government of the United States in the hands of Messrs.
Seymour, Vallandigham, & Co.? And would it be because they suppose that rebels
would be compelled to submit to the authority of the Government, or because they
believe that, with the Government in such hands, the rebels could dictate terms
Why is it, that, in the third
year of a terrible war to maintain the Union and Constitution, the people of the
country have overwhelmingly repudiated the men who claim to be distinctively the
friends of the Union and the Constitution? Because not one of them—whatever he
has said—has given proof of any sounder knowledge of the Constitution or
sincerer devotion to the Union than Mr. Lincoln, or General Butler, or Andrew
Johnson, or Mayor Swan of Baltimore.
The gentlemen who have been
politically known heretofore as the most supple tools of the leaders now in
rebellion—who have held with
Governor Seymour, even if they have not said, as he
has, that, if the Union could not be saved without destroying slavery, it might
slide—these gentlemen claim to be peculiarly jealous of the principles of the
Constitution and of the rights of the people. Why, then, do the people repudiate
Because, not to put too fine a
point upon it, they do not believe them.
APOSTLE OF PEACE.
WE have alluded several times to
the fact that in January, 1861, when the rebels were preparing to overthrow by
force the Government of the United States, Fernando Wood apologized to Robert
Toombs that he could not help him obtain arms for that purpose. In other words,
the new apostle of peace regretted that he could not furnish Toombs and the
rebels with rifles to shoot loyal American citizens. We put upon record here the
words of that apology:
"In reply to your dispatch I
regret to say that arms intended for and consigned to the State of Georgia have
been seized by the police of this State, but that the city of New York should in
no way be made responsible for the outrage.
"As Mayor, I have no authority
over the police. If I had the power, I should summarily punish the authors of
this illegal and unjustifiable seizure of private property.
This is the gentleman who waxes
so pathetic over the shedding of brothers' blood, and proposes to send
commissioners to Richmond to ask his friend Toombs upon what terms he will
submit to the laws