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THE LUMBER-MEN OF MAINE,
THERE were shouts in the crowded
street, And a martial music-strain,
And banners waved, and loud drums
beat, As the men of the city came out to greet The lumber-men of Maine.
A thousand strong and more
From the woods and streams came
they; From where the Kennebec's fountains roar, And the swift Penobscot twists
And Passamaquoddy Bay.
Strong knights of the axe and
Kings of the raft and saw,
In brawny limb and dauntless soul
By the breath of the forest air
made whole And the use of nature's law.
They marched with a steady tread
Toward the front of death and
Where the splintered stumps of
the trees were red, And the rivers waited to raft the dead
Of the lumber-men of Maine.
And a thousand more forsook
The axe and the setting-pole,
And the forest camp by the
swollen brook, And in squads the vacant places took To keep the torn ranks
Dusty and hot and worn
The regiment came to-day,
With a battle-flag all soiled and
torn, And a dozen footless heroes borne Behind on a rumbling dray.
Through the city's double tide
Slowly they marched again, With a
look of modest, manly pride
That made them tall as they
The throng of common men.
But a hundred strong and three
They came from the battle-plain;
The others will never fell the tree,
Or sing and dance, when the raft
With the lumber-men of Maine.
SATURDAY, JULY 2, 1864.
THE CHICAGO CONVENTION.
GENERAL McCLELLAN made a speech
at the late dedication of the
Battle Monument at West Point, in which he laid
down the platform upon which he is to be nominated, if at all, by the Chicago
Convention. It is significant as an indication of the present feeling of the
shrewder but smaller part of the politicians who are hoping to return to power
under the name of Democracy. We say under the name of Democracy for two reasons.
In the first place, the unshrinking opponents of the natural rights of man can
have no philosophical claim to the name Democrat ; and, in the second place, as
a party name, it belongs quite as much to
ANDREW JOHNSON, DANIEL S. DICKINSON,
BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, and thousands more, as to
HORATIO SEYMOUR, AUGUST BELMONT,
JAMES BROOKS, and their friends.
The speech of General McCLELLAN
shows that the shrewder part of the gentlemen who depend for success upon the
name Democracy, understand that the people intend the war to continue until the
rebellion is subdued. Unless, therefore, they are utterly outnumbered they will
construct a war platform at Chicago, and place General McCLELLAN, their only
available man, upon it. But they must look for his support to all the
disaffected and peace men in the loyal States. The followers of VALLANDIGHAM and
FERNANDO WOOD must be induced to vote for the candidate. Now, if there be any
truth in our political situation clearer than another, it is that the majority
of those who since the war began have voted for what is called a
candidate and against a Union candidate, as, for instance, for Mr. SEYMOUR in
Connecticut and Mr. VALLANDIGHAM in Ohio, would stop the war upon any terms,
however humiliating, if they could. If, then, the combination of all the
elements of opposition could succeed in electing the Chicago nominee even upon a
war platform, his policy as President must be the distinctive policy of all who
vote for him. Is it unfair to say that the common ground of that opposition—not
the first choice either of the left wing or the right, but the common ground—is
negotiation in some form ; some arrangement, some adjustment which, as they
amusingly assert, will be "honorable" both to the United States and the rebels?
The necessary results of the
election of General McCLELLAN, therefore, even upon his own platform, are easy
to foresee. For who are the men who would come into power with him ? They are
the SEYMOURS, the WOODS, VALLANDIGHAM, LONG, COX, and company. They are the men
upon whose success at the ballot-box the
rebels declare that they count next to
their own victories in the field. They are the men in whose ranks are the
apologists of the rebellion, and the steady opponents of all the measures
proposed for its overthrow; who declare the rebels invincible ; who prophesy
only woe and ruin to the country from a continued prosecution of the war; who
are constantly deploring the lost prosperity of the nation, and
deprecating what they call an
unnatural and fratricidal strife. They are the men, in a word, among whom are
those who supply the material for the malignant correspondence of the English
papers, and cheer the rebel heart with the hope of a divided North.
The peace men are not the
shrewdest part of the Opposition, but they are the most logical and the most
numerous. They do not prefer General McCLELLAN as a candidate, they would rather
take VALLANDIGHAM, or HORATIO SEYMOUR. But they will yield to the nomination,
knowing that a candidate like M'CLELLAN will increase the chances of success at
the polls ; and that if by that means he could be elected they and their policy
would succeed to power. Would not the election of Judge WOODWARD, as Governor of
Pennsylvania last year, have been a terrible disaster to the Union cause ? Would
his policy as President be less disastrous ? Yet were not General M'CLELLAN, and
FERNANDO WOOD, and VALLANDIGHAM, with all the Copperhead papers, equally, with
the leading rebel papers which frankly expressed their hopes of a "Democratic"
success, ardent supporters of Judge WOODWARD?
No sincere Union man can forget
these things. No observer of our history for the last three years can suppose
that the national integrity or honor are safe in such hands. The Chicago
Convention could not be adjourned. For the adjournment would be only a plain
confession that the managers see no man in the country who seems to them to have
even a remote chance of defeating the Union nominations before the people. It
would be a confession of doubt and dismay which they would not dare to make. The
Convention will meet, and it must choose between an open " peace" candidate and
a war candidate. If it adopts the former, he will never be heard of again. If it
takes the latter, it can not avoid General McCLELLAN, for whom many of the
delegates are instructed. If it nominates him, he will be supported by the "
peace" men of every shade. The practical question, then, for every sincere Union
man, will be whether he wishes to sit at a feast of which these gentlemen are
the hosts ?
It is vain to say that General
McCLELLAN is not a peace man. In a war so vital and tremendous as this, every
man must be strongly for it or strongly against it. He must strike the enemy
every where and every how. He must comprehend the causes and consequences of the
struggle, or he can not adopt a policy which will at once win the victory and
secure it. His heart and mind, as well as his hand, must be in it, or the enemy
which brings to the contest every force of every kind at his command will
inevitably defeat him. This ground he must take, or else insist upon peace upon
the best possible terms. These are the only two logical and tenable positions in
this war. But to stand between, to qualify and hesitate and doubt, to strike,
with a reluctant sword in one hand and an olive branch in the other, a foe who
is smiting with both hands, to ignore willfully or utterly fail to comprehend
the scope of the war, is to invite at once defeat and derision. There is no
conceivable contest in which a soldier of the United States could be engaged, in
which he would confront a foe so desperate and so disdainful of conciliation as
this ; and, consequently, there could be no war in which it would be more
clearly his imperative duty to weaken that enemy wherever he could touch him,
and pursue a policy which would secure permanently the common peace.
It will be for the people of the
country to decide, when General McCLELLAN shall be nominated, whether his
career, his counselors, and the attitude and antecedents of his supporters
justify the expectation of overwhelming vigor in the field or heroic sagacity in
A POLITICAL EVENT.
THE pressure of our own public
affairs naturally distracts our minds from more than a cursory observation of
the important political events in Europe. Among these events the late speech of
Mr. GLADSTONE must be classed ; for it is a plain declaration by the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, a member of the Government, that the suffrage should be so
enlarged as to include a great number of the non-voters in England. But upon the
principles which Mr. GLADSTONE lays down, the movement can hardly stop short of
universal suffrage. " What I would state," he says, " is this : every man who is
not presumably incapacitated by some consideration of personal unfitness, or
political danger, is morally entitled to come within the pale of the
He would avoid sudden changes,
but the goal is clear. If that is to be the rallying cry of the Reform party in
England it will reform the British Constitution altogether. Mr. GLADSTONE thinks
otherwise. He says that it will only infuse new vigor into what he calls " the
young and flourishing British Constitution."
But by that Constitution British
political society consists of three recognized classes, and one not recognized.
The King, Lords, and Commons are the three recognized classes, and the great
body of the population, the poor working class, is the one unrecognized. This
last is numerically overwhelmingly the largest, and when you begin to admit one
of them to the suffrage, it will be very difficult, under any plea of
"political danger," to exclude
another who is equally fitted. Then you have practically a government of the
people, and the inevitable and proper result will be the peaceful elimination
from the system of special privilege. Is Mr. GLADSTONE the profoundest, or
merely the most good natured, of British statesmen ? Does he really foresee the
tendency, which MACAULAY long ago described, of a struggle between Parliament
and the people, and does he skillfully suggest this as the beginning of a policy
which shall avoid it ; or is he only disagreeably struck with the fact that one
man is allowed to vote and his equally competent neighbor is forbidden ?
The moderately liberal London
journals are evidently surprised, and even startled, by Mr. GLADSTONE'S speech.
What security does he offer, they ask, that the class which is numerically
strongest will not obtain complete control of the Government ? Clearly none, for
there is none to offer. But the orator sees, what so many observers see, that
the legislation of England is really conducted now with regard to the supposed
wishes of the great multitude of non-voters. A year ago, in April, Lord
PALMERSTON sneered, in Parliament, at the idea of asking a change in the British
neutrality laws to favor the United States. Six months afterward Lord RUSSELL,
at a public meeting in the Provinces, said that such a change would be asked for
if the present laws were found inadequate to keep England from a war with the
United States. And the reason he gave was, that he believed more than half of
the English people were favorable to our Government and its cause. That was
reason enough for his Lordship. So at this moment the Queen, out of regard for
the memory of her German husband, and of the fact that the future King of
Prussia is her daughter's husband, refuses to take the Danish side in the
present war. But the heart of the English people is with Denmark ; and it
remains to be seen whether, under some pretense, the Queen may not vacate the
In truth, as a wise European
remarks, monarchy is undermined in Europe. With the general enlightenment of the
people, which increases every day, the cumbrous and foolish forms of despotism,
however modified, must inevitably disappear. The divinity which doth hedge a
king is gone, when you may buy his card photograph for a penny, and see that he
is merely a dull gentleman in common clothes. When the consent of England
deprived the monarch of the supreme prerogative, it began to strip off the royal
robes ; and when it is conceded that his Majesty's self is but a ceremony, what
becomes of him when all the drapery is removed ?
So great was the excitement and
even alarm produced by his speech, that Mr. GLADSTONE has published it as a
pamphlet with a preface. Opinions are divided as to the significance of the
preface. But as the author says that he publishes his speech as it was
delivered, and leaves it to " the discerning consideration of the reader," its
meaning remains to us unchanged.
Mr. GLADSTONE'S speech may
therefore be properly called a political event. He has hardly the personal
qualities that make a popular idol. He is fastidious, elegant, and a scholar.
Those are certainly not disadvantageous qualities for any leader. But there must
be added to them a personal magnetism, a profound conviction of the heart, and a
heroism which the tone of his preface shows that he does not possess. The leader
of the future of England must be made of sterner stuff than Mr. GLADSTONE.
ROBERT EDMUND LEE.
General LEE is defeated,"
recently said a relative of his, " he will seek death upon the field." That is
only natural. Few men in history have made so tragical and unhappy a name.
Educated by his country, and sworn to defend her flag, he lingered and lingered
until he could make his treachery most effective, and then drew his sword
against his country's life and his own honor.
It is no excuse to say that he
considered Virginia his sovereign State, and that his State had, in his opinion,
the right, under the Constitution, to secede. The plain question for him was : "
Can I honorably desert the
flag I have sworn to defend, merely because it may
lawfully become the flag of freedom and justice ?" For even if it were granted
that there may be an honest difference of opinion as to the constitutional right
of secession, can there be any doubt whatever of the crime of asserting that
right by civil war when no oppression is alleged ?
It is the fashion among English
writers to call LEE a great General. He is credited with all the results wrought
in the Virginia campaigns by the skill and rapidity of
STONEWALL JACKSON. But
since the death of that General no success, except the repulse at
Fredericksburg, has attended LEE'S army. During the present campaign he has been
steadily outgeneraled by
GRANT, whom LEE has not ventured to meet in the open
field since the Friday in the
Wilderness. We do not complain of this. He knows
where he is safest, and he does right to stay there. But when the question is
raised of the comparative military genius of GRANT and LEE it is only necessary
to compare the invasion of Pennsylvania last year with the present
LEE is naturally praised in
England, for he is the enemy of his own country, which England hates. His
success in repelling GRANT would be hailed by monarchical and aristocratic
Europe as a victory over republican principles and the power of the United
States. He is useful to England, as BENEDICT ARNOLD was. The newspapers praise
him, but every noble man in that country must regard him as they would regard an
officer of their own army who should head a revolt because the Government was
growing more humane. ROBERT EDMUND LEE will be known in history solely as the
military chief of a conspiracy to destroy the freest and best of governments for
the purpose of protecting and perpetuating human slavery.
THE assertion that
made an " inaugural pledge" not to be a candidate for re-election is simply
untrue ; and we hope that no man whom the people of the United States think fit
to intrust with the Presidency will ever make so foolish a pledge. The only
allusions made to the subject in
Mr. LINCOLN'S inaugural are these :
" Yet, with all this scope for
precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of
four years, under great and peculiar difficulty."
Is this a pledge that, if the
people called him, he would not enter upon another constitutional term of four
years ? Again he said :
" While the people retain their
virtue and vigilance no Administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly,
can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years."
Is this a pledge of any kind ?
And yet these are all the passages in the inaugural address which refer to the
THERE are certain worthy
gentlemen who inform us that General GRANT has more enemies than we had
supposed. General LEE counts for something in the list ; but the true foe with
whom the Lieutenant-General is contending is —the President of the United States
! It is not LEE or DAVIS who plot delays and impede the progress of the army in
Virginia, but it is Mr. LINCOLN, who is resolved that
Richmond shall not be
taken. General GRANT may march and countermarch, may assault and bombard; but it
is all to no purpose while the enemy-in-chief takes care to prevent his success.
Does the gentle reader ask why the President hinders the Lieutenant-General ?
Because he fears, reply these worthy people, that he will not be re-elected if
GRANT takes Richmond or defeats LEE.
So also in Georgia, of course. It
JOE JOHNSTON who is " drawing SHERMAN on"-not at all, it is Mr. LINCOLN.
He has but one purpose, and that is to prolong the war. He wishes to entangle
SHERMAN about Atlanta ; so that the struggle may be protracted, and a grateful
country, not yet satisfied with the duration and cost of the war, may re-elect
him to the Presidency: If GRANT should happen to defeat LEE —if Richmond should
fall—if SHERMAN should scatter the army of JOHNSTON, never to be reunited—then
the American people, justly indignant with an Administration which had made
GRANT Lieutenant-General, and had supported SHERMAN in his too triumphant march,
would at once rebuke that Administration by refusing to re-elect it. If the war
continues, the delighted people will surely approve the Administration. If it
ends, they will repudiate the President in disgust ! So maunder these worthy
sages; and we hope that nobody is so credulous as to suppose that, in merely
echoing the rebel journals in this as in their other views of the war, they
really believe what they say.
WHILE the soldiers fight and
fall, and their names are hailed and remembered with lasting sorrow and
gratitude, let us not forget that there are other heroes whose devotion is not
less, and heroines who, forsaking home, and friends, and all the bright promise
of life, devote themselves silently to the work of helping and educating the
unfortunates whom the war has committed to our charity, and who fall unknown and
unnamed, except by the few hearts which have followed them with sympathy and
Miss MARY E. SHEFFIELD, of
Norwich, Connecticut, died lately, at
Memphis, of disease contracted in her
self-sacrificing labors as a teacher of the National Freedman's Relief
Association. Her work was performed with unfaltering fidelity among the poorest
and most friendless of her fellow creatures. Her measure of human duty was not
the applause of spectators, but the suffering of her brethren, and the true
sorrow at her loss is in the heart of those who have love to give and nothing
The war has developed a national
character that was not suspected. By fire and steel and terrible contest the
young men of the country have been cast into soldiers and heroes. But few know
how constant and unreserved are the offers for a service that has no outward
glory or even mention from the sisters of those young men all over the land.
Wherever the army has opened a path they have walked in it. Angels of mercy, and
peace, and en- (Next Page)