Battle of Olustee


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Civil War Harper's Weekly, March 12, 1864

Welcome to our archive of Civil War Harper's Weekly newspapers. We have posted our collection of newspapers online to serve as a research tool for students and history buffs. These papers are a valuable source of original material on the War, and contain a wealth of incredible illustrations.

(Scroll Down to See Entire Page, or Newspaper Thumbnails below will take you to the page of interest)


General Sherman

General Sherman

Endorsement of Lincoln

Battle of Olustee

Battle of Olustee

General Palmer

General Palmer

Sanderson Florida

Sanderson Florida

General Seymour

General Seymour




Slaves Helping Escaping Soldiers

Map of the South

Map of the South






MARCH 12, 1864.]



(Previous Page) pay; he would still be under the control of the President and of General Halleck. General Grant was a man of action, but there was no assurance that as General-in-Chief he would be better than the one we have; and, indeed, are we sure that bad military counsel has not come from another source than General Halleck? He was no admirer of General Halleck, but wished that justice should be done to him. If there was no other objection to the resolution, a vital one would be that it would have the ultimate effect of making a whole batch of Lieutenant-Generals, for every Major-General would be ambitious of attaining the highest honors possible. Mr. Sherman supported the resolution as amended. It would not place General Grant at the head of the army. It was altogether complimentary. Grant had captured 80,000 or 90,000 prisoners, taken more guns, and won more battles than any other General on record. He would be willing to extend similar honor to any other General who should do equally well. General Halleck's position was that of Adjutant-General to the President, who is Commander-in-Chief; in his peculiar line he was, doubtless, a superior officer; yet it should be inquired why, with an army superior to that of the enemy lying within fifty miles of Washington, Richmond was not taken by Halleck or Meade. The Army of the Potomac is just where it was two years ago. It has not won the honors of the war, Grant and his army had, and these should be extended to him and them. Mr. Johnson would not vote for the resolution if it retained the clause designating the person to be appointed. He proceeded to defend General Halleck; if there had been disaster, history would attribute it to others than him. No one could have more wisely conducted the siege of Corinth. While in his present position he has not always been consulted, and when consulted his opinions had not always been taken. The Army of the Potomac had always been successful when not opposed to superior numbers. If Halleck's advice had been taken after Antietam, the rebel army would have been captured by McClellan; the refusal to adopt his advice was unjustifiable. Gettysburg, Mr. Johnson thought, was one of the finest battles on record. At a critical juncture afterward, when it was important that the enemy should be pursued, General Meade took the opinion of his corps commanders, who advised against the movement. He thought that Meade should have taken the responsibility: still, if the movement had failed, Government would have been at the mercy of the enemy. Mr. Conness said that the Army of the Potomac, the greatest in the war, had failed under different commanders; should we not seek for a man with sufficient military capacity to direct it? He hoped that the Senate would not confer a mere empty honor upon General Grant, without giving him any actual power. Mr. Hale said he would vote for the resolution as it came from the House, because if an act was to be done it should be done gracefully. It would almost seem that those who opposed the resolution were secret enemies of the President, and intended to put up General Grant as a candidate against him. He wanted Grant to go where his merits entitled him to go. It is true that there is no precedent for the resolution; but we live in times when we must make precedents. He would rejoice to see, after the establishment of this precedent, general after general coming with the record of his victories and seeking this honor. Mr. Wilson hoped that the Senate would not dictate to the Chief Magistrate who should be appointed Lieutenant-General. He took no part now in any movements looking to the making of the next President; there would be time for that months hence. He hoped that the resolution, as amended by the Military Committee, authorizing the grade, without designating the person, would pass. The judgment of the country pointed to General Grant as the person, and he knew that the President was in favor of his appointment. If any man, more than another, had stood up for Grant, it was the President; he had sustained him when the Press and general officers were every where denouncing him. Mr. Howe was in favor of putting the resources of the country into the hands of General Grant; he had been successful in a few things, and many things should be bestowed upon him. There was no dictation in asking the President to do what all agreed should be done. Mr. Fessenden would not detract from the honors so justly due to General Grant, but thought it improper for the Senate to indicate the person upon whom the grade should be conferred, as that body must hereafter sit as judges upon the confirmation. It was no mere empty honor that the resolution, as amended, sought to confer upon Grant; a few years ago he was striving to rise above the rank of Lieutenant; now we propose to make him Lieutenant-General, with a salary of $13,000. Mr. Wilkinson thought that the general tendency of the speeches indicated the appointment of Halleck instead of Grant, and, as he thought Grant the better General, he should vote against the amendment striking out a recommendation of his appointment. After a debate, of which an outline is given above, the amendment striking out the recommendation for the appointment of General Grant was passed, by 27 to 12. Mr. Conness then offered an amendment providing that the Lieutenant-General shall be Commander-in-Chief of the armies of the United States under the direction and during the pleasure of the President; this was rejected by 28 to 10. The joint resolution, as amended, was then passed by 31 to 6; the nays being Messrs. Buckalew, Davis, Harding, Powell, Saulsbury, and Wright, all belonging to the extreme Opposition.—February 25. Sundry petitions for the abolition of slavery, and a resolution from the Legislature of Rhode Island asking that colored soldiers be placed on an equality with whites, were presented and referred. Mr. M'Dougall introduced a bill amending the act incorporating the Pacific Railway, so as to ratify the transference of the corporate rights of the Company to certain other Companies.—Mr. Powell introduced a bill to repeal all acts granting allowances and bounties to vessels engaged in cod and other bank fisheries.—Mr. Lane, of Kansas, presented joint resolutions from the Legislature of Kansas, asking for the removal of Indians from that State.—The vote adopting the report of the Conference Committee on the Whisky bill was reconsidered, the House having refused to accede to the report, and asked for a new Committee of Conference: the request for a committee was agreed to.—Several bills relating to naval appointments were brought up and amendments to them adopted: the principal of these provide that the limit of the age of students in the Naval Academy shall be changed from 17 years to 18; that a provision shall be stricken out directing that volunteer naval officers now in service shall be discharged within sixty days after the return of the vessel; and one inserted granting to naval courts-martial the right to reduce to seaman's rates such officers as absent themselves from their commands.—Mr. Sumner moved to reconsider the vote by which the Committee on the District were discharged from considering the question of the rights of colored persons on the cars; but after explanations he withdrew the motion.—Mr. Sumner offered an amendment to the bill equalizing the pay of soldiers, to the effect that all persons (colored persons being necessarily included) whose papers show that they were enlisted under the act of 1861, shall receive the pay and bounties promised by that statute: adopted by 20 to 16. A further amendment was offered by Mr. Wilson, and, after some discussion, postponed.—A Committee of Conference on the Lieutenant-General resolution was ordered.—The Committee on Military affairs was instructed to inquire into the expediency of extending the time for paying bounties to April.—February 26. Mr. Sumner introduced a bill, which was referred, excluding disloyal persons from the right of pre-emption to public lands, and from the right of reclaiming mining lands or recovering damages for injury to such property.—Mr. Hale reported a bill equalizing the grades of naval officers, and remedying some faults in the actin of the Retiring Board.—Mr. Wilson introduced a bill fixing the period of enlistment in the regular army at three instead of five years: providing that soldiers who enlisted before July 22, 1861, may re-enlist, with the existing bounties, until May 1; and making various minor provisions respecting absences.—The Committee on Military Affairs was instructed to inquire into the expediency of so amending the Articles of War as to prohibit all military commanders, except the President, from relieving from duty any general officer, except when under arrest, wounded, sick, or captured.—The President was requested to transmit to the Senate any protests from Governors of States against the removal of General Schofield from the command in Missouri.—Mr. Collamer called up his bill for enabling colored persons to be employed in carrying the mails, and providing for the admission of colored persons as witnesses in the United States Courts. The latter provision was opposed by Messrs. Lane, of Indiana, and Powell, on the ground that it would cause a conflict between the Courts of some of the States and those

of the United States; and by Mr. Hendricks, because it would place the negro upon a judicial equality with the white man, by enabling him to impeach the testimony of the white. Mr. Johnson thought negroes as competent to testify as other persons of no higher mental and moral qualifications; but there would be evils in allowing slaves to testify, he would have the right restricted to free persons of color.—The report of the Committee of Conference upon the Lieutenant-Generalship, accepting the Senate amendments, was agreed to.—Adjourned to February 29.—February 29, Several memorials and petitions having been presented and referred, and a bill making Parkersburg, in Virginia, a port of entry, passed, Mr. Sumner, from the Select Committee on Slavery, Freedmen, and the Fugitive Slave Law,, presented an elaborate report accompanied by a bill repealing all laws for the rendition of slaves to their so-called masters: laid over.—Mr. Wilson, from the Military Committee, reported the bill passed by the House, extending the time for paying bounties to April 1; he said that men were now being enlisted at the rate of 2000 a day, which was more rapidly than Government could provide for them; there were now more than 300,000 men enlisted under the call for 500,000; the draft, if made at all, would be very small: debate ensued, the special point being that such a measure ought not to be taken without the concurrence of the Executive and of the War Department; and the bill was recommitted to the War Committee.—The bill equalizing the pay of all soldiers was taken up and discussed, the retrospective feature being especially objected to by Mr. Fessenden. Mr. Wilson explained that when the bill was drawn he thought that there were only 30,000 or 40,000 troops to whom this retrospective provision would apply; he now thought that the number was quite 100,000, and eighty new regiments were in process of formation. He thought the bill could be improved by a recommittal to the Committee: the bill was then recommitted.—The joint Conference Committee on the Whisky tax, through Mr. Sherman, reported a disagreement; the question was made the special order for next day.—The Senate went into executive session and confirmed several nominations made by the President, among which were those of Grant as Major-General, and Meade, M'Pherson, Sherman, and Thomas as Brigadier-Generals in the regular service; and Pleasanton and Warren as Major-Generals of Volunteers.—March 1. Petitions relative to slavery were presented and referred.—A bill to protect overland emigration, and a joint resolution of thanks to re-enlisted volunteers were passed.—The $200,000,000 five-forty loan bill was taken up and discussed at length; the main point being as to rate of interest. An amendment being offered and rejected to make the maximum 5 instead of 6 per cent.; Mr. Fessenden said that the Secretary would get the money as low as he could, but he did not think it could be had for less than 6 per cent.; an amendment was adopted requiring the principal of the bonds to be paid in coin.—The Conference Committee on the Whisky tax reported a disagreement, and the Senate voted to adhere to its amendment, and to submit the measure again to the House.

HOUSE.—February 24. After some private business, and a further discussion on the bill for establishing a bureau for Freedman's Affairs, of the same general tenor as those previously reported, the House went into Committee of the Whole on the Naval Appropriation bill. The amendment directing that seamen should be paid in specie or its equivalent was rejected by 63 to 35. Mr. Rice moved to increase the appropriation for construction and repairs of vessels front $22,800,000 to $26,300,000. He explained the necessity of this increase, and said that provision would be made in another bill for iron-clad sea-going vessels, so that our navy might be somewhat on a par with those of France and England. Mr. Stevens said that the estimates of the Naval Department called for $144,000,000; the Committee on Ways and Means had reduced this estimate by $37,000,000, believing that this reduction would not cripple the Department, as some of the objects of the appropriation could be postponed to a future time. Mr. Rice said that the appropriation was necessary now; the Naval Department could not fulfill its duties unless Congress furnished the means. The amendment was agreed to by 72 to 23.—February 25. A bill was introduced and referred granting pensions to the soldiers of the War of 1812.—Debate was resumed on the Freedman's Bureau bill. Mr. Davis, of Maryland, spoke at length, censuring the President for want of vigor in dealing with the emancipation question. Slavery, he said, was far from dead; it would resume its ancient sway if the old Government was re-established; it should therefore be a condition in the readmission of States that slavery should be abolished. He also opposed the plan of colonizing the freed negroes; unless they were coerced they would not leave the country; if they remained here, their position would be that for which they showed themselves fitted; the labor of these people was necessary to the agricultural interests of the country, and could not well be dispensed with.—Mr. Stevens, from the Committee on Ways and Means, reported a bill providing that of the $600,000,000 loan authorized by the Act of March 3, 1863, in ten-forties, $200,000,000 may be put into market, redeemable after not less than five or more than forty years: ordered to be printed.—The Deficiency Appropriation bill, as amended by the Senate, was reported back from the Committee on Ways and Means. Mr. Brooks said that the bill, as it passed the House, appropriated $7,000,000; the Senate had added $93,000,000, making $100,000,000 in all, constituting really a new bill.—The House went into Committee of the Whole on the Navy Appropriation bill. Mr. Kelley defended the Navy Department, saying that, both in its hostile operations and in maintenance of the blockade, it had accomplished more than was ever undertaken by any other nation. Mr. Holman said that the people were ashamed of the conduct of the head of the Navy Department, and of his retention by the President. Mr. Davis censured the Navy Department for its proceedings before Charleston, and especially for the recall of Admiral Du Pont. He was removed because his attack had not succeeded; but if he had remained in action forty-five minutes longer he would have left his fleet in the hands of the enemy. The Department had removed, he said, the most brilliant officer since the days of Decatur, because it was thought that the iron-clad interest would suffer by his retention. Mr. Griswold defended the iron-clads. No more men were engaged on them during the attack upon Charleston than were required for a single man-of-war; the vessels had received more than two thousand shot without serious injury, and with the loss of but a single life, showing that our vessels were impregnable to any missile yet invented. The American navy stood in advance of any other in the world, and had been the most powerful diplomatist in preventing foreign interference with out. affairs. Mr. Brooks said that we had six hundred vessels afloat, constituting the largest navy in the world. but yet our commerce has suffered losses from rebel privateers to the amount of thirteen and a half millions; these facts were unanswerable against the Navy Department. Mr. Blair defended the efficiency of the navy, and of the iron-clads in particular, in preventing the enemy from coming upon the Atlantic coast; the country, he said, had reason to be proud of the operations of the Navy Department. The debate now assumed a bitter personal turn, at the close of which Mr. Stevens moved a new section appropriating $260,000 for a floating dry-dock at Philadelphia for the repair of Monitors, to be taken from an appropriation before made for the same purpose at New York: this was agreed to, and the bill passed.—The bill extending the time for the withdrawal of goods from public stores and bonded warehouses to the 1st of September was passed.—February 26. The Committee on Military Affairs was instructed to inquire into the expediency of increasing the number of cadets at West Point, and of repealing the provisions of the Enrollment Act which gives pay to officers absent without leave.—A bill was introduced, similar to one before the Senate, excluding disloyal persons from the benefits of the public lands.—A joint resolution was passed extending to the 1st of April the time for the payment of bounties to persons enlisting in the army.—A resolution of thanks to Admiral Porter and Commander Ringgold, with their officers and men, was passed.—Mr. Blair, from the Committee on Military Affairs, reported the following bill: "Any portion of the residents of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, or Arkansas, who may volunteer in the military service of the United States for the term of three years or during the war, shall be entitled to the benefits and privileges of the existing laws, and mustered into the regiments of any of the States which they may elect; and, in the case of such being colored troops, they shall

be assigned as now directed by law; and any State, or sub-division of a State, procuring such enlistments, shall receive credit, provided that such enlistments in any State, under this act, shall continue only until such State shall be subject to a call for troops." This was opposed by Messrs. Cox and Wadsworth on the ground that it gave an advantage to States having money, by enabling them to enlist men from other States instead of calling out their own men. Messrs. Blair and Garfield replied, affirming that thousands of loyal men in the South were ready to enlist if provision could be made for their families. The bill, having been amended, on motion of Mr. Cox, by providing that no enlistment shall be made, except as specially enumerated in the bill, unless credit is given to the State to which the soldier belongs, was passed by 81 to 44.—Mr. Washburne, from the joint Committee of Conference, reported on the Lieutenant-General Bill. He explained that the report was unanimously adopted by the Committee. The House Joint Committee had agreed to the Senate's amendment striking out the recommendation of General Grant, knowing that, should the bill pass, he would receive the appointment without delay. Mr. Cox moved to lay the resolution on the table. This was refused, and the bill passed by 73 to 47. As passed, it merely authorizes the President to appoint from the Major-Generals a Lieutenant-General, who shall be authorized, under the direction and during the pleasure of the President, to command the armies of the United States, fixing his pay and allowances, and providing that it shall not affect the pay and rank of General Scott.—It was agreed that the next day should be appropriated to speeches, no bills to be introduced.—February 27. The Chairman announced, hardly two-score members being present, that the President's Message was the theme for discussion. Mr. Harding made a speech condemning the course of the Administration. He said that fanaticism and sectional hate had plunged the nation into bloody horrors, the joint work of abolition and secession. Mr. Deming, of Connecticut, followed in a speech defending the President and his policy, affirming that upon the wiping out of slavery on this continent would succeed a higher order of civilization, and an indissoluble bond of perfect union and peace. Mr. Blair spoke at length upon general topics, defending the Navy Department, assailing the Treasury Department, and concluding with giving notice of a resolution to inquire into the affairs of that Department in connection with trade regulations on the Mississippi. Mr. Eden passed in condemnatory review over the acts of the Administration, affirming that the war ought long ago to have been ended on the basis of the Crittenden resolutions. Mr. Donnelly made a speech on the importance of immigration, and advocated the establishment of a Bureau of Immigration.—Adjourned to February 29.—February 29. Mr. Julian introduced a bill, which was referred, securing to persons in the naval and military service homesteads on confiscated and forfeited estates in the insurrectionary districts.—Mr. Ross offered a resolution stating that, in consequence of the depreciation of the currency and the increased cost of living, the pay of officers and soldiers should be increased one-third, and that the Military Committee report a bill to this effect. Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, introduced a bill permitting the payment of one-tenth of duties in legal tender notes instead of specie; and another bill suspending till 1867 the provision of the Act of August, 1861, authorizing a direct tax of $20,000,000: referred to Committee on Ways and Means.—A resolution was, by leave, introduced, directing the Committee on the Conduct of the War to inquire into the operation and execution of the laws and military orders regulating commercial intercourse with the insurrectionary States.—The bill reported from the Committee on Ways and Means authorizing the issue of $200,000,000 in Treasury bonds, payable in from five to forty years, was passed, after being slightly amended.—Mr. Blair offered a resolution, which was adopted, asking the Secretary of the Navy for full information upon every subject pertaining to the attack upon Charleston in April, 1863, including all reports upon the sufficiency of our iron-clads. Mr. Blair said that the Navy Department desired a full investigation into the whole matter, and that his resolution covered every point.—Mr. Holman offered a resolution, which was adopted, for inquiry into the expediency of a committee to whom shall be referred all matters pertaining to National Banks.—Mr. Lang offered a resolution, which was rejected, 96 to 22, requesting the President to appoint Franklin Pierce, Millard Fillmore, and Thomas Ewing as Commissioners to treat with the Confederate authorities for a cessation of hostilities and a reconstruction of the Union.—Mr. Schenck offered a series of resolutions: the first, declaring that armed insurgents and their abettors were public enemies, was agreed to; the second, declaring that the causes of the rebellion should be permanently removed, was passed unanimously, Mr. Cox explaining that he and his friends voted for it, considering that the causes of the rebellion were abolition and secession, and both ought to be removed; the third, declaring that there was no neutral ground between loyalty and treason, was also unanimously adopted.—Mr. Pendleton offered a resolution, which was rejected by 76 to 43, condemning the arrest and banishment of Mr. Vallandigham.

—March 1. A letter was read from the Secretary of the Treasury stating that many vessels engaged in the cod-fishery obtained their salt from the British provinces, and, while avoiding the duties on salt, obtained bounties on the fish with which that salt was incorporated; he asked for the passage of a law that no bounties should be paid except where it was shown that the salt had paid duty.—The Committee on Ways and Means was instructed to inquire into the expediency of levying a duty of 10 cents per bushel upon salt imported.—The Freedman's Bureau bill was again discussed, and finally passed by 69 to 67.—The report of the joint Committee of Conference upon the Internal Revenue bill, announcing a disagreement, was presented. Mr. Washburne said that there was some difference of opinion in the Committee as to the purport of the action of the House, some supposing that it had decided against levying any tax upon spirits on hand, and others that it had only decided against a tax of 40 cents per gallon. He thought the Senate would agree to split the difference, and impose 20 cents; and in order to test the feeling of the House, moved that the House insist on its disagreement, and ask another Committee of Conference, and declare also that, in its judgment, there should be an additional tax upon spirits on hand of not less than 20 or more than 40 cents. The resolution was adopted by 76 to 67.—The 31st of May was fixed upon as the day for the adjournment of the House.


Our armies are moving in every part of the field—in Virginia, in East Tennessee, in Georgia and Alabama, and in Florida. The map which we publish this week includes the entire field, with the exception of Virginia. Some steps of the advance have been taken back, and in Florida our forces have met with a severe repulse; yet the spring campaign has fairly opened, and with reasonable prospects of success. The enemy has at the present time an inadequate force to oppose against our general advance at every point, and he can only save himself from a great defeat in some part of his line by a strategy more successful than any he has yet shown.

On Tuesday, March 1, His Excellency the President sent in to the Senate his nomination of General Grant as Lieutenant-General of the United States Army.

The United States steam sloop Housatonic was sunk in Charleston harbor on the 18th ult. by the explosion of a torpedo. Two officers and three men were lost. This vessel originally cost the Government over a hundred thousand dollars.

According to the latest dispatches Admiral Farragut had six mortar boats accompanying the Hartford, but had not yet made an attack on Mobile. The rebels had 20,000 troops in and around Mobile, and two iron-clads in the harbor.


On the 17th of February General Seymour issued an order congratulating his command on the brilliant success which had thus far attended their movements into the interior of Florida, and attributing this success in great measure to Colonel Henry, Major Stevens, and Captain Elder, who with their commands had routed the enemy and destroyed a large amount of property. Our forces were then mainly at Barber's, between Baldwin and Lake City, with the advance resting on Sanderson. Here they remained until the 20th, when the preparations for a movement in force toward Lake City were completed. The enemy's

pickets were met six miles beyond Sanderson by our cavalry, who were deployed as skirmishers two miles in advance of the infantry. The pickets were driven in, and when the main force came up the Seventh Connecticut (Colonel Hawley) was thrown forward with the cavalry. The enemy was found in force a little before reaching Lake City at Olustee. The engagement was commenced between the enemy's skirmishers and our advance. The fire directed against our men was so hot that they were compelled to fall back; then we brought two batteries to bear on the enemy, and our whole force, consisting of 5000, became engaged with more than twice that number of rebels. The enemy occupied a strong position flanked by a marsh, but his advance met with the most stubborn resistance, and he lost heavily. But our loss also was very great. Colonel Fribley of the Eighth United States (colored) was killed, and his regiment broke and fell back, leaving the left exposed. Again we retreated, taking another position; but it was impossible to contend with a force so greatly superior, and after a battle of three hours and a half we retreated in good order, leaving our dead and severely wounded on the field. Five guns were lost, and over a thousand men killed, wounded, and missing. This reverse compels an immediate return of our forces to Jacksonville.


On Monday, February 22, a strong force under the command of Generals Palmer, Johnston, Baird, Carlin, and Davis started from Chattanooga in the direction of Dalton. They crossed the Chicamauga without opposition, and the next day our cavalry in advance drove the enemy as far as Tunnel Hill. Colonel Harrison drove the enemy from the latter position. Another column under General Stanley penetrated to within three miles of Dalton on Wednesday. The enemy at Dalton, however, was found so strongly posted that our forces having accomplished the purpose merely of a reconnoissance fell back.

In the mean while, Longstreet having commenced a retrograde movement, General Schofield advanced from Knoxville across the Holston following up his retreat. Longstreet is now needed in two places at once, and, as we go to press, it is difficult to say whether he is moving to Virginia in order to support Lee or to Atlanta to support Johnston.


From Meridan General Sherman advanced eastward to Selma, a short distance west of Montgomery and midway between Mobile and Dalton. His position at Selma is now apparently one of some peril. General Smith's Cavalry expedition returned to Memphis on the 26th, not having effected a junction with Sherman, on account of delays incident to the expedition and which gave the enemy's cavalry an opportunity to concentrate a force against Smith which it was impossible for him to resist successfully. The expedition was not entirely a failure, having destroyed over a million bushels of corn, and torn up miles of the Memphis and Ohio Railroad, besides burning bridges and trestle-work. General Smith's retreat, however, leaves the enemy's cavalry unoccupied, and free for movements against Sherman.


On the 1st of March Provost-Marshal-General Fry issued an official order to Major Townsend at Albany to be prepared to commence the draft on the 10th of March in every sub-district which had not its quota raised before March 1. Volunteers between the 1st and 10th of March were to be deducted after the commencement of the draft. The city of New York has filled its quota to within three thousand men.


THE Danes retreated from the Dannewerke because it was impossible for them to hold this long line of fortifications with their small force after the eastern rampart had been turned by the Prussians. The retrograde movement had been going on for some time before it was discovered by the Germans, who expected, indeed, to find the Danes in force at Schleswig. The Danish army has succeeded in establishing itself at Duppel, which is connected with the Island of Alsen by a tete du pont, the latter being commanded by formidable batteries on either side. This retreat of the Danes was conducted so secretly that they were not overtaken by German forces until they had passed Idstad, when the rear-guard fought with so much vigor as to preserve the main army. 120 pieces of artillery were left in the Dannewerke, and in the retreat three guns were lost and 600 prisoners. Field-Marshal Wrangel's head-quarters on February 9th were at Flensburg. The new phase which the war now assumes is no less threatening, certainly, than its original aspect. The Danes, strongly fortified on Alsen, may prolong the war for weeks, and perhaps months, to come.


The general impression of Europe in regard to the American war is decidedly in favor of the North. The Paris Presse says that "Grant is the American Massena, the beloved child of victory, who has never met with a reverse, but who is as vigilant and indefatigable as if he had one to fear. Alone he is able to resist the three armies of the Confederation." Earl Russell's position, as indicated by his speech in Parliament, on February 11th, is one strongly in our favor. He declined to produce the diplomatic correspondence in reference to the steam rams. His reasons for so doing were that he did not wish to anticipate the decision of the law-officers of the crown. Lord Palmerston, also, in a speech concerning American captures at sea, on the 12th, mid that the English had no reasons to mistrust the equity and independence of the tribunals of the United States. In justification of this opinion, he referred to the case of the Trent. These speeches were made by the British Ministers in defense against an attack made upon them by Disraeli and Earl Derby. The main point of this attack consisted in the charge that the Ministry had been bullied into concession in the matter of Laird's rams by Secretary Seward's plucky note of July 11. This note, however, Mr. Adams declined to present to Earl Russell, although Secretary Seward indiscreetly allowed it to be published in this country. Not having received the paper, however, from Mr. Adams, Earl Russell had no official knowledge of its existence. The tenor of Seward's note may be inferred from the following extract, which is as determined a vindication of our national rights as Great Britain herself ever boasted: "If the law of Great Britain must be left without amendment, and be construed by the Government in conformity with the rulings of the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, then there will be left for the United States no alternative but to protect themselves and their commerce against armed cruisers proceeding front British ports as against the naval formes of a public enemy; and also to claim and insist upon indemnities for the injuries which such expeditions have hitherto committed or shall hereafter commit against this Government and the citizens of the United States. To this end this Government is now preparing a naval force with the utmost vigor; and if the national navy, which it is rapidly creating, shall not be sufficient for the emergency, then the United States must bring into employment such private armed naval forces as the mercantile marine shall afford."

In a speech made on the 15th Earl Russell, alluding to the case of the Alabama, said: "I do consider that, having passed a law to prevent the enlistment of her Majesty's subjects in the service of a foreign Power, to prevent the fitting out or equipping, within her Majesty's dominions, of vessels for warlike purposes without her Majesty's sanction—I say that, having passed such a law in the year 1819, it is a scandal and a reproach that one of the belligerents in this American contest has been enabled, at the order of the Confederate Government, to fit out a vessel at Liverpool in such a way that she was capable of being made a vessel of war; that, after going to another port in her Majesty's dominions to ship a portion of her crew, she proceeded to a port in neutral territory, and there completed her crew and equipment as a vessel of war, so that she has since been able to capture and destroy innocent merchant-vessels belonging to the other belligerent.—[Hear.] Having been thus equipped by an evasion of the law, I say it is a scandal to our law that we should not be able to prevent such belligerent operations."




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