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Snow fades the summer in the
leaf, With steady pace the autumn comes,
And still our throbbing pulses
time With bugle-note and roll of drums.
Still waves our starry flag on
Its greeting to the broad blue
dome, And still we gather 'neath its folds
In spite of treacherous foes at
We heed no offerings of a Peace
That clouds the honor of our
land; Our hands will 'never yield the sword
Till firmly based the Right shall
The giant cataract echoed loud
The calm reply our ruler gave : "
Reston the UNION of the States And loose the fetters of the slave!"
Ah, not till then may battle
Though thick the rain of blood
and tears; This sacred baptism of fire
Must purify the stains of years.
It was by blood the land was
The precious blood which patriots
give To win the birth-right of mankind;
It in through blood that we shall
As Abraham, known in days of old,
Offered up Isaac in God's eyes;
Our land, the mother of us all,
Offers her sons a SACRIFICE.
On Southern slopes their graves
are green, No war dreams stir their tranquil sleep; Theirs is a rest forever
Whether the Nation smile or weep.
Oh, let it not be all in vain
That these have died! The
smoke-stained sky Is ringing with the cry of "Peace!"
And men proclaim the end is nigh.
Oh, God of battles, hear our
prayer Above this wild and stormy din,
And grant that ere the leaves
Freedom and Peace be ushered in!
NAY, not so, dearest ! Look into
my eyes, Giving the search its clearest, amplest range; Look in my heart, and
see if there arise
In all its palpitations, new or
One pulse of doubt, or smallest
sign of change ! We have come hence the common road along,
And ours the common lot : for we
have seen Some lights go out, and darkness fill the way, And even then, our
hearts so full of song.
Sang to each other, as we passed
between The storm and cloud-drifts of the waiting day. Thick you such love could
its dear object wrong? I have thy answer as I give thee mine;
Yet all I can bestow, how mean
compared with thine !
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1864.
GENERAL McCLELLAN may be a good
rider, but it requires an extraordinary exercise of the skill of the most
accomplished equestrian simultaneously to ride two horses going different ways.
The chance is that he will fall between the two. His letter of acceptance is a
worthy conclusion to the ignominious performance at Chicago. It is confused and
verbose: wanting both the manly directness of the soldier and the earnest
conviction of the patriot.
He begins by saying that the
nomination was " unsought," and that the Convention knew it. If it did, it had a
monopoly of the knowledge; for if there has been one fact perfectly evident in
our late history, it is that General McCLELLAN, from the time he was placed in
command of the Army of the Potomac, has, under careful advice and management,
been aiming at this nomination. His remark is entirely superfluous, and shakes
at the very beginning the confidence of every reader.
He announces in almost every
sentence his devoted love of the Union ; but the platform upon which he stands
was the work of VALLANDIGHAM, who proposed in Congress to divide the Union into
He declares that the war ought to
have been prosecuted only to maintain the Union. No man knows better than he
that it never has been prosecuted for any other purpose, nor has any authorized
person ever announced any other. When General McCLELLAN bagged the entire
Legislature of Maryland it was done to maintain the Union. When his friend
VALLANDIGHAM was arrested it was for the same purpose. When the
proclamation was issued it was to the same result.
He says that if the war had been
waged for the Union only—and not, for instance, against the Maryland
Legislature--" the work of reconciliation would have been easy." Easy ! After
Bull Run, for instance! This sentence is ludicrous, as showing General McCLELLAN'S profound ignorance of the causes and scope of this war ; an
ignorance manifested in every political paper he has ever issued, including his
letter favoring Judge WOODWARD'S election in Pennsylvania, an event openly
desired by the rebels.
He says that when " our present
adversaries" —meaning the rebels—clearly want peace " upon the basis of the
Union," they ought to have it. Yes, and they will have it. The only basis of the
Union is the Constitution. When the rebels submit to that, they will have peace
of course. Nobody ever said otherwise, except those who nominated General
He says :
"We should exhaust all the
resources of statesmanship practiced by civilized nations, and taught by the
traditions of the American people, consistent with the honor and interests of
the country to secure such peace, re-establish the Union, and guarantee for the
future the Constitutional rights of every State. The Union is the one condition
of peace—we ask no more.
" If a frank, earnest, and
persistent effort to obtain those objects should fail, the responsibility for
ulterior consequences will fall upon those who remain in arms against the Union.
But the Union must be preserved at all hazards."
The Government of the United
States, with the aid of Generals
PORTER, and Captain WINSLOW, is making exactly that frank,
earnest, and persistent effort for peace. The President is preserving the Union
at all hazards. Why, then, does General McCLELLAN oppose him? Why does he not
assist those frank and earnest efforts ? Or, after all his fine talk, does the
Chicago candidate really mean the kind of earnest efforts that the Chicago
Convention meant, "An immediate cessation of hostilities, or other peaceable
It is a sorry plight for a man
who once held the position that McCLELLAN did in public confidence to be
nominated by the party of national disgrace, and then exhaust his ingenuity in
trying to hedge so as to seem not to be exactly of their opinion. If he is
conscious that he does not represent their views, why not say so manfully. To
accept their nomination upon so plain a platform is to declare himself, as he
is, the candidate of those who made it, and of the party which has no objection
to the Union provided only that Southern slaveholders control it, but who think
that the only real enemies of the Union are American citizens who are unwilling
to allow the slaveholders to override the laws.
The General's political strategy
is no better than his military. As usual, he is too late. If he had instantly
kicked over the platform the act would have shown an indignant and manly
patriotism that would have helped him in the estimation of all honest citizens.
But to devote a week to the vain effort of saying something that should please
one part of his partisans and not alienate the other, and while he seemed to be
in favor of the war yet to agree to stand upon a platform which pronounces it a
failure, was simply to devote a week to his own defeat.
His letter is an attempt at
political juggling in the midst of an earnest war. But the loyal people of the
United States want no leader who gives an uncertain sound. They will weigh this
letter in the scale with all the frank, manly, simple letters of the President,
which leave no doubt of their meaning or of their author's position, and the
juggling letter will be found wanting. They will compare it with the calm and
earnest letters of Generals GRANT and SHERMAN and SEYMOUR and HAZEN and LOGAN,
and will leave its writer among those whom of all American citizens he has
chosen for his friends, those for whose success the rebel chieftains pray.
The Union State nominations have
been made. REUBEN E. FENTON of Chautauqua is the candidate for Governor, and
THOMAS G. ALVORD of Onondaga for Lieutenant-Governor. Both these gentlemen were
formerly Democrats; and both are unconditional Union men. They are not in favor
of an armistice to ask Mr. JEFFERSON DAVIS upon what conditions he will allow
the Government of the United States to continue. They are not in favor of
sending word to SHERMAN and FARRAGUT, to CANBY and SHERIDAN, with the brave boys
around them, that the war is a failure. They are not in favor of declaring that
General GRANT is whipped because he holds the Weldon Road. They are not in favor
of the assertion that the American people are lily-livered cowards, and unable
to maintain their own government. Every man in the State who agrees with them
will of course work and vote for them.
The resolutions of the Convention
repeat those at Baltimore. This is right, for the issue throughout the country
is substantially the same. The Governor of New York must be a man heartily in
accord with the Administration, and sincerely believing in the cause of the
country. The present Governor of the State is a magistrate dear to the rebel
heart. He is a magistrate who does not hesitate to charge the responsibility of
the rebellion upon the loyal States and people. He is a magistrate who declared
publicly that if the Union could not be saved without emancipation the Union
should be dissolved. Finally, he is the magistrate who calls the worst criminals
"my friends," and who was President of the Convention which proposes to submit
to the rebels. This is not the kind of chief magistrate that New York requires
at this time. That officer must believe in the , fundamental American doctrine
of equal rights
and fair play ; in an
unconditional Union ; in the submission of armed rebels to the Constitution and
the laws; in the national supremacy.
Mr. FENTON and Mr. ALVORD are
unswervingly true to these cardinal points; while the extent and duration of
their public services have given them each large experience and a wide
familiarity with men and affairs.
Every national success in the
field strengthens the Union ticket in the State as it does in the country. Is
not that argument enough for every honest patriot? Principles need no
explanation when the triumph of the national arms confirm them. That fact alone
shows those principles to be national and the candidates who represent them to
be men who agree with GRANT and FARRAGUT, with SHERMAN and PORTER, and with the
vast majority of the American people.
TRUE to their belief that the
American people are conquered by the rebels, and are craven enough to ask for
terms, the Copperhead orators and papers hope to frighten those people still
more by threatening them with civil war at home if the Copperhead candidate for
President is not elected.
This kind of talk comes naturally
from those who wish to compromise with men who began civil war four years ago
because their candidate was defeated. It comes naturally from those who believe
that the States are sovereign powers, and that, therefore, citizens of the
United States can not be forced to submit to their Government. It comes
naturally from those whose reliance is not upon the intelligence but the
ignorance of the people ; from those who do not prevail by reasonable argument,
but by appeals to the basest passions. It comes naturally from a " Conservatism"
which burns orphan asylums and massacres men because they are poor and
But those gentry sadly deceive
themselves if they suppose the loyal people of this country are so deeply sunken
in degradation as to surrender their right of voting freely to any threats of
this kind. It is precisely because the Copperheads are capable of using such
menaces in a political canvass that they will find themselves excluded from
power by the people. For there is not a fool in the land who does not see, that,
if they threaten violence when they find themselves in the minority, there is no
enormity of which they might not be guilty if they found themselves actually in
THE Chicago Doctors tell us that,
since it is proved we are beaten, we must ask the victors for an armistice, with
a view to " an ultimate Convention." But upon what terms are the rebels likely
to grant an armistice to those who confess that the war is a failure? When one
adversary says to another, whom he is throttling while his knee is on his
breast, " There, I see I can not whip you, now let's stop and talk"—what
happens? The man who is under knows perfectly well that his only chance is to
get his feet. So he has only to say, "Take your hand out of my throat, and your
knee off my breast, and we'll see about it."
That is the first step. We must
recall our armies and navies. The enemy frankly says that before we ask him. The
armistice and immediate cessation of hostilities means the withdrawal of our
forces. Are we sunk to that ?
But if we are, if we go so far,
what is the next step? " An ultimate Convention," reply the Chicago Doctors. But
a convention for what ? If it is proposed to change the Constitution, no
convention is lawful which is not summoned by two-thirds of all the States, and
they can not summon it but by taking the oath to the Constitution. There is no
need of our offering an " armistice and immediate cessation of hostilities" to
effect this result. The moment that the rebels lay down their arms and return to
their loyalty, and constitutionally propose a convention, we know of no party
that will oppose it. But this " ultimate convention" is no method of settling
the rebellion, because the rebellion must be settled before the Convention is
Now the real meaning of this talk
about " an ultimate convention" is apparent enough from a remark in one of the
most violent McCLELLAN papers, that " we could not expect the South to come to a
convention pledged in advance to accept the result." In other words, " the
South," or the rebels, having taken an oath of fidelity to the Union so as to be
able to hold a convention at all, would perjure themselves, and plunge into
fresh war if they did not like the action of the convention. And the paper which
makes this extraordinary statement also assumes that both sides would come into
the Convention armed ! In other words, that GRANT, FARRAGUT, and SHERMAN should
remain just where they are, but should refrain from further demonstrations until
the rebels had decided what terms they would offer us, and we had accepted or
rejected them !
To any such ridiculous suggestion
' would, of course, reply, " If
you men of Chicago believe what you say, that you. can not do what you have
undertaken to do, take away your armies. You concede that the experiment of war
has failed, and, therefore, whatever happens, you have no farther need of
soldiers." When we had done what he commanded he would add: " And now you want a
convention. What for? To restore the Union which I spit upon, and which you
confess you can't maintain by arms? Do you think I am going to give to blarney
what I would not give to cannon-balls, and yield to McCLELLAN'S palaver what I
refused to FARRAGUT'S batteries ? We rebels fought to dissolve the Union. You
fought to retain it. You confess yourselves beaten. Do you suppose we love the
Union any more dearly because you have shed our blood and desolated our lands?
We despise the lot of you, and especially those who insist upon licking the
boots that kick them." And so "not being pledged in advance to accept the
result," but being pledged exactly not to accept it, JEFF DAVIS and Company
would depart to their own place.
This is the peace-recipe of the
Chicago Doctors. Are faithful citizens of the United States ready for such
tragical tomfoolery? This is what one of his sycophants calls " the strangely
mature statesmanship" of General McCLELLAN. Would not statesmanship a little
less "strange" serve our purpose at this juncture ? Is not the practice of
Doctors GRANT, SHERMAN, FARRAGUT, SHERIDAN, PORTER, and CANBY somewhat more
consistent with the character and purposes of the loyal American people than
this of Doctors McCLELLAN and VALLANDIGHAM, and the Chicago school?
If any of our readers are really
wondering which is the " Conservative" party in this election; which candidates
a peaceable, thoughtful, self respecting citizen ought to vote for, let him look
over the following list of epithets applied to the Constitutional President of
the United States by the men who obstreperously vociferate that they are
"Conservative." Is this the spirit of that wise Conservatism which every good
citizen respects ? Is there any partisan ribaldry so disgusting since the Aurora
bespattered General WASHINGTON with invective ? These are the terms applied by
the friends of General McCLELLAN to the President :
Filthy Story-Teller, Ignoramus
Despot, Old Scoundrel,
Big Secessionist, Perjurer,
A Long, Lean, Lank,
High - Cheeked - Boned Spavined
Is the party whose orators and
papers incessantly speak of the President of the United States in such terms, a
party to which the Government of this country should be intrusted?
A DR. ALLEN recently said at a
meeting of the " Democratic" club in Washington that we must let the rebels go,
if we could not agree upon the terms of their return. But Dr. ALLEN is probably
a young man. Amos KENDALL is not. Amos KENDALL is old enough to have been
Postmaster-General thirty years ago, and to have authorized the robbing of the
mails. (Instructions to the Postmaster at Charleston in 1835.) Amos KENDALL is
old enough to know that all things should not be said at all times; and that if
you are trying to drive pigs to Killarney you must insist that they are going to
Cork. So Amos KENDALL, who presided at the meeting which first nominated
McCLELLAN, remarked to the young man substantially : "Don't say that. That is
what the minions of the despot LINCOLN wish us to say, for that is bald
disunion. Let vs first elect our men (McCLELLAN and PENDLETON), and then we can
do whatever is practicable."
This, says one of the most
belligerent " peace" papers, " gives the true key note to the Democratic music."
Of course it does, for the tune is disunion.
THE New York Secretary of State
has sent the blank ballots to the army for the New York soldiers. Those soldiers
will not be likely to forget that the Union candidate for Governor of the State,
REUBEN E. FENTON, is the able and efficient and devoted Chairman of the National
Committee for the relief of sick and wounded soldiers. He does not believe, nor
has he ever believed, that the war was a failure, and that the imperial State
ought to ask pardon of rebels; nor that the triumphs of SHERMAN, and FARRAGUT
and the deadly grip of GRANT, are reasons for asking "an immediate cessation of