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Robert E. Lee Portrait
the senior Senator from the State of Alabama, is, by the vote of his associates,
of the Senate, which would give him the position of Vice-President
should Mr. Breckinridge be called to the highest position in the republic. He
was born in Georgia, in June, 1802, and was left an orphan at an early age, with
no other educational advantages than those afforded by the "old field schools"
near his rural
home. In 1815 he emigrated, with an elder brother, to the fertile valley of the
Alabama River, then being settled, and where he has since resided. Prosecuting
his studies, he read law, and in 1821 was admitted to the bar, where he soon so
distinguished himself that he was elected District-Attorney, and re-elected in
1825, and again in 1829. Application to the arduous duties of this position
injured his health, and he retired to a plantation, where he has since given
decided proofs of agricultural
information and practical skill. In 1840 he was nominated as a Presidential
Elector on the Democratic ticket, and succeeded in stemming the popular tide by
giving the vote of Alabama to Martin Van Buren. In 1841 he was elected Governor
of the State, which position he occupied in 1845. In 1852 Governor Collier
appointed him Senator in Congress to fill the vacancy occasioned by the election
of W. R. King, which appointment the Legislature
confirmed. Since then he has been prominent in the Senate, not only personally
(for he is a large, fine-looking gentleman), but as a working member, who rarely
intrudes his opinions, but who never fails to record his vote in a manner
acceptable to his constituents. Governor Fitzpatrick
was nominated on the ticket with
Mr. Douglas, but declined the honor; and has
since headed the " cooperationists,"
who advocate the cooperation of all the Slave States in the establishment
of a Southern Confederacy.
son and Senator, is already known to the readers
which his biography has appeared. The son of that noble-hearted Virginian,
Governor Clay, who filled nearly every office in his adopted State of Alabama,
husband of one of the most accomplished daughters
of the sunny South, Senator Clay is a Representative
man of that fertile land which the wandering red-men called "Alabama," or " Here
we rest." A graduate of the University of Alabama, and the Law-school of the
University of Virginia ; the successful
editor of the
Flag of the Union
newspaper; noted as an able lawyer and as a vigilant District-Attorney ; an
active member of the Alabama Legislature
for several years ; and an able judge of the circuit-court—he was well
qualified, in 1853, to occupy,
the Senatorial seat which his father had adorned. Since then, his course
has been unwavering
in bringing about the independent position of Alabama now just taken; yet he has
the personal respect and esteem of his associates,
even of those who have regarded him as their uncompromising political foe, as he
has stood before them the champion of his constituents. "Identified as I am,"
said he, "with Alabama by my birth, education, interest, and affection—regarding
her as 'my nursing mother and my grave'
—indebted to her for the highest honors and greatest
trusts she could bestow, and standing here as one of her ambassadors in this
Council Chamber of sovereign States, I feel it my duty, as well as privilege,
to justify or excuse, as far as I can, all her acts relating to her sister
States or to the Federal Government." If
she yields to Republican control, " she
to suffer all the wrong and all the shame you can and will accumulate upon her
head. But as honor, interest, self-preservation—all
that is dear to freemen—all urge her to maintain her individuality and equality
States, either within or without the Union, I trust she will give you full
demonstration of her courage and self-reliance, by refusing any the least
concession to your demands, and by resenting your menaces and repelling your
attempts at coercion in such manner as will prove that the spirit of the
fathers, who, at Yorktown and at
New Orleans, consummated in triumph our two
wars of independence, yet lives in her sons."
who represents the first or
Mobile District in the House of Representatives,
was born in Conecuh County, Alabama, on the 7th of April, 1822. After having
received an academical education he studied law, passed a high examination, and
has since enjoyed a lucrative practice. He was twice elected District-Attorney
for the circuit in which he practices, and was a member of the State Legislature
from 1845 to 1848. After having been defeated by the Know Nothings, he was, in
1857, elected to Congress, where he is a universal favorite, ever ready with an
anecdote or a repartee, yet none the less determined in maintaining
the rights of his native State,
Representative from the second Congressional District of Alabama, was born in Burke
County, Georgia, in 1820, and received
his education at the La Grange Academy, of which Otis Smith was the
Removing to Alabama, he commenced the practice of law, and is said to have no
equal in the State before a jury. He was an unsuccessful candidate
for Congress in 1849, when Henry W. Hilliard
defeated him by a small vote, and left the Whig party in 1850, since when he has
been a thorough-going secessionist. Since he has been in Congress he has taken
no part in the transaction of business, having expressed his " solemn conviction
that no amount of effort, however well directed
and praiseworthy, can ever rescue the Constitution
from the perils which surround it, or restore the government to its original
purity, or perpetuate
it in that form."
The Territorial action of Judge Douglas, in his opinion, was such that the
Southern Democracy could not indorse it without stultifying themselves ; and he
urged, in January, 1860, a speedy termination of the Union in case
Republicans carried the Presidential election,
saying : "The truest conservatism and wisest statesmanship demand a speedy
termination of all association with such confederates, and the formation of
another union of States, homogeneous in population, institutions, interests, and
pursuits. Such a confederacy (said he) would be imperishable, and present to the
world a contented, happy, prosperous, powerful people, in the enjoyment of the
highest perfection of civilization and free government."
Representative from the Tuskegee District of Alabama, was born in Putnam
County, Georgia, about 1820, and graduated at Oxford College, in that State ;
after which he removed to his present residence, where he commenced
a highly lucrative practice at the bar. After filling several responsible
positions at home, he was elected a member of the present Congress, where he has
distinguished himself as a reformer of the printing abuses. Mr. Clopton has
always been a State Rights man, and a believer in the reserved power of
secession as the only remedy of sectional differences.
"We do not
desire war," said he, in a speech delivered during the struggle for the Speakership of the Thirty-sixth Congress; " the policy of the South would be
peace. But whenever this Government, in the opinion of the Southern people,
shall have failed to accomplish the ends for which it was instituted, the
Southern States, exercising their right, will abolish it, and institute a new
Government, laying its foundation in such principles, and organizing it in such
forms, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
Whenever they see proper to exercise these rights, then, if war comes, it must
come from the North. If war must come, let it come."
Representative from the Greensborough District, was born in Rutherford County,
Tennessee. When he was a lad his parents
removed to Alabama, where he received an academical education, and afterward
completed his studies at the State University. Studying law, he was admitted to
the bar, and was in a short time appointed Judge of the Green County Court,
where he presided for six years, when he was transferred to the bench of the
Circuit Court. No sooner were volunteers called for to reinforce
after his gallant victories at
Palo Alto and
Resaca de la Palma, than Alabama
hastened to tender a regiment of mounted volunteers,
which was mustered into service in June, 1846. Mr. Moore was captain of one of
the first raised companies, and served a twelve month on the Rio Grande, and
Vera Cruz, Alvarado, Tampico, and Jalapa. On his return, in 1847, he
was elected Brigadier-General
of Militia ; and in 1857 he was elected to Congress,
where he has taken a rather conservative course, and been a valuable " working
member" of the Committee on the Library. When classed by a Northern member among
the fire-eaters, or disunionists, he said, in the course of some extended
remarks, the next day: " I do not profess to belong to the class of
disunionists, if there be such a class in the South, who desire disunion of
itself. I come from a State which is, and has at all times been, loyal to the
Constitution, but which will be as ready to take ground for a disruption of this
Union, in case the rights guaranteed to us under the Constitution are infringed,
as any State in the Union."
the Representative from the Athens district, is one of the most prominent
members of the House, where his commanding form
and stentorian voice are always to be seen and heard when an attempt is made to
smuggle through appropriations not strictly constitutional or economical.
He also is a Tennesseean
by birth, but has resided near his present home since his boyhood, occupying a
high position at the bar, and having repeatedly been honored with local and
State offices. He was first elected a Representative
to Congress in 1841, and has served since, with the exception of the
Thirty-first Congress. This long service has rendered Mr. Houston perfectly
familiar with "parliamentary tactics," and given him a commanding position as a
party-leader, in whose honesty, devotion to principle, and inflexible hostility
to the schemes of the lobby, all have confidence.
While acknowledging the importance and magnitude of the questions growing out of
African slavery, he has taken a great interest in the tariff and other practical
issues, and has steadfastly
opposed extravagant expenditures.
represents the most populous district in Alabama, was born in Ray County,
Tennessee, in 1807, and the next year was taken by his parents to his present
residence in Madison County, where he was brought up on a farm, receiving a good
common-school education. In 1845 he was elected to the State Legislature, and at
the close of his term, in 1847, was elected to the National House of
Representatives, where he has since served, and has now become the "senior
During this long term of service he has ever taken the part of "the people ;"
and to him the soldiers of the Mexican war should be grateful for the Bounty
Land Bill of 1850. He also "engineered"
the Graduation Bill of 1854, with other important measures calculated to benefit
the laboring classes ; but he has been preeminent
as an advocate of the Union. In 1849 he introduced
a series of resolutions into the House that were the first steps toward the
compromise of the ensuing year ; and since then it has been his boast that he
has, to use his own words, " battled against the wildest fanaticism of disunion
sentiments, and —thank God!—triumphed."
the Representative from the Talladega District, was born in
Lincoln County, Georgia, June 5, 1825, and removed with his father to his
present residence in 1838. After graduating at the University of Georgia, in
1843, he went to Harvard College, where he went through a course of legal
studies, and after receiving his diploma returned to Alabama, where he at once
entered upon an extensive practice. When the war with Mexico began. in 1846, He
joined the Texan
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1861.
THE FOREIGN COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE official report of the commerce of the United States for the fiscal year ending 30th June last has been published, and
reveals some interesting facts. The fiscal year 1859-'60 was, both in regard to
imports and exports, the most active in our history. We imported $362,163,941 of
foreign goods ; and exported $400,122,296 of domestic and foreign produce,
leaving a balance in favor of the United States equal to $37,958,355. This
balance is the secret of the extraordinary decline in foreign exchange which we
have witnessed during the past few weeks.
We place on record, for purposes of future
reference, a few figures showing the progress of our foreign trade :
OUR FOREIGN IMPORTS.
The year 1859-'60 is slightly in excess of 1856-'57, the year preceding the
crisis of 1857; all other years fall considerably below. The foreign imports in
1860-'61 will not probably exceed those of 1858-'59. In 1859-'60 more goods were
imported than the country could take ; hence a reduction of orders; and besides,
the revolution at the South shuts off that market.
OUR EXPORTS OF DOMESTIC PRODUCE.
It will be noticed that 1859-'60 is considerably in advance of any previous
year. Our exports of cotton that year were unusually heavy, and the export of
bullion was also above the average. The export of breadstuffs was quite light,
the European crops in 1859 having been good, and our own less than an average.
The returns of 1860-'61 will show a remarkable contrast to those of 1859-'60. It
is probable that our cotton export will be less than in that year, but our
export of food will be the largest ever recorded. As, however, we are sending no
specie abroad, it is probable that the total export of domestic produce in
1860-'61 will not exceed that of 1858-'59.
We need hardly observe that the above table does not include foreign goods
re-exported, and that our total exports are from $20,000,000 to $27,000,000 in
excess of the aggregates therein given.
So much is thought and said about specie
and the specie movement, that it is worth while to give the figures of that
also. It is generally reckoned that California produces about $55,000,000 of
specie annually, and that a further sum—of uncertain amount—is derived from the
gold-mines of the Carolinas, Georgia, and Pike's Peak. The following table will
show how much, if any, of the gold taken from our soil is retained in the
THE SPECIE MOVEMENT.
Years. Imports. Exports. Net Exports.
1853-'54 $6,958,184 $41,436,456 $34,478,272
1854-'55 3,659,812 56,247,343 52,587,531
1855-'56 4,207,632 45,745,485 41,537,853
1856-'57 12,461,799 69,136,922 56,675,123
1857-'58 19,274,496 52,633,147 33,358,651
1858-'59 7,434, 789 63,887,411 56,452,622
1859-'60 8,550,135 66,546,239 55,996,104
A SOUTHERN TRANSATLANTIC
WE have reason to believe that negotiations are on foot which may lead to the
establishment of a line of ocean steamers between
Norfolk, Virginia, and Havre,
France, touching at New York going and coming. The political troubles in the
Southern States seem to have thrown obstacles in the way of the usual exports of
Southern ports. Some of the leading planters and their financial agents
have, consequently, begun to examine the facilities afforded by Northern ports
for the export of the staple.
The advantages of New York as a
shipping port naturally strike the eye at once. We have the capital, the
apparatus, the ships, the harbor, and the internal communications. Cotton can be
sent from points south of
to Liverpool, via New York, about as cheaply
New Orleans. Such is the rivalry among our railroads, in fact, that if
the trade became brisk perhaps this route would prove the cheapest.
But if Norfolk or Baltimore entered into the competition, they would enjoy
advantages over New York. By the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad Norfolk is now
in direct connection with
Memphis. If a line of steamers were established
between Norfolk and Havre, they could rely upon a full cargo of cotton each trip
eastward ; and there is every reason to believe that they would come westward
heavily freighted with French goods for New Orleans and
St. Louis. At present
New York receives all the European freights for the Mississippi cities. They
could be imported more cheaply via Nor-folk, if only a steam line were
established to Norfolk ;
Memphis being the distributing point for the Upper and
Lower Mississippi We understand that arrangements have already been made with
the Virginia and Tennessee Rail-road, and with the Mississippi steamers, by
which passengers and freight can he sent through from Havre to New Orleans or
St. Louis, via the Virginia and Tennessee Rail-road and the Mississippi River,
at a consider-able reduction from the present rate via New York.
The subject has been laid before the leading steamship men of this city, and is
now under consideration. The chief difficulty in the way semis to be the doubt
whether Virginia will he a member of the Federal Union at the time matters are
ready for the establishment of the ocean service. If Virginia goes out of the
Union, steamship proprietors apprehend difficulties about clearances and foreign
alliances, which might seriously interfere with the success of the enterprise.
Their apprehensions may be gratuitous ; but capital is proverbially timid. If it
were certain that Virginia and Tennessee were going to remain in the Union, we
think it morally certain, from what we know, that the transatlantic line from
Norfolk would be in operation by the 1st of April next.
THE FUGITIVE-SLAVE CASE IN
A VERY striking law case, which may shed some light on the political status of
the British Provinces, is at present occupying public attention.
Some seven years ago a slave named Anderson, owned in Missouri, in attempting to
escape from bondage, was stopped by a planter named Seneca Digges, and, in a
struggle to avoid being seized, stabbed Mr. Digges to death. Anderson escaped to
Canada. In 1860 he was recognized there. The proper affidavits were laid before
the Missouri courts, and the Governor of that State claimed the fugitive under
the Extradition Treaty. The Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, Sir John Robinson
presiding, held the case proven, and directed the return of Anderson. An appeal
was taken to the Judges sitting in error. Since then the Secretary of the
British Anti-Slavery Society, the famous Mr. Chamerowzow, has applied to the
Court of Queen's Bench at Westminster Hall, London, England, for a writ of
habeas corpus, directing the Canadian Sheriff to produce the body of Anderson at
Westminster; and the court has granted the writ.
The case is unprecedented, so far as Canada is concerned. Cases have occurred in
which criminals in the Islands of Jersey and Man have been brought before the
Court at Westminster under writs of habeas corpus. But this is the first case in
which a Canadian court has been interfered with by Westminster Hall. The issue
will shed light on the nature of the independence which Canada enjoys. It has
;always been supposed that the British courts had no jurisdiction in Canada,
except on appeal to the British Privy Council from judgments by the highest
judicial tribunal in the Provinces. The new decision goes to prove that the
British courts enjoy original as well as appellate jurisdiction in Canada.
We may notice, in connection with this subject, the singular delusion under
which soma of our journals and politicians seem to be laboring with regard to
Canada. They seem to think that, in the event of a separation between the
Northern and the Southern States, Canada would leap into the arms of the former.
They evidently know very little about Canada or the Canadian people. Canadians
are intensely loyal to their Sovereign; and intensely hostile to Americans and
American institutions. They are just as likely to accept the rule of
the Third as to enter the Northern Confederacy. No doubt they are very wrong.
Bet just now our own Government is not working well (Next
Rangers, but was forced to return on account of ill health ; and was the
following year elected to the State Legislature, to which he was re-elected in
1853 and in 1855. In 1857 he was elected to Congress, where he has taken a
commanding position as a statesman and as an orator. Nature has endowed him with
a mind so active that he can apparently discover, by a glance so rapid as to
seem intuition, those truths which common capacities struggle hard to
comprehend, while his genius enables him to enforce by argument, and his
accomplishments to illustrate, those topics upon which he addresses the House.
While he believes that each State " has the right of secession, the right of
interposition for the arrest of evils within its limits," and while he boldly
asserts the sovereignty of the State to which he owes his "first and last
allegiance," he has never failed to recognize "the true and loyal men in
Congress, and in the North, who are ready to lock shields with the South in
defense of the Constitution and the Union, which is its creature ; and to hope
that, in the irrepressible conflict which may be here or elsewhere, they may be
able to rescue the Constitution of our country from the polluting touch of those
who would destroy it."