Civil War Overview
Civil War 1861
Civil War 1862
Civil War 1863
Civil War 1864
Civil War 1865
Civil War Battles
Robert E. Lee
Civil War Medicine
Civil War Links
Civil War Art
Republic of Texas
Civil War Gifts
Robert E. Lee Portrait
THE ARMY FORGE IN CAMP.
AMONG the many appliances
necessary to a complete battery of artillery or corps of cavalry in the field,
none is more interesting or picturesque than the
a drawing of which we give on the previous page. It consists of a four-wheel
carriage, containing in its various compartments all the tools and implements
necessary for the outfit of a blacksmith, and can be set up and made ready for
operation in the time necessary to cut a block of wood large enough to answer
the purpose of a base for the anvil. The front portion, or limber, is precisely
the same as the limber of the cannon or caisson, being simply a box about four
feet long by two in width, in which is carried the anvil, tongs, and other
implements, together with a limited supply of iron, etc., necessary for
immediate use. On the rear wheels is mounted a box, in which is contained the
bellows, worked by a lever on the outside. In front of this, and on the same
platform, is a cast-iron ash-pan for the fire, from which rises a sheet-iron
apron or back. On the stock is a vice large enough and of sufficient strength
for all ordinary purposes. Back of the box is a receptacle for coal, which is
strapped fast, but can be removed at pleasure. The whole is arranged in a very
compact form, and when on the road occupies no more space than a cannon or
caisson, and is drawn by. four or six horses. The men ride upon the limber-box,
and are members of the corps to which they are attached, being subject to the
same discipline, and recipients of the same privileges and immunities. The
convenience and advantage of such an attachment is obvious. Let us suppose that
on the march a cannon, in crossing a ditch or traversing a rough road, is
disabled by the breaking of some portion of the iron or wood work of the
carriage. It is drawn to one side, the forge drives up, is unlimbered, and in
less time than it takes to describe it, a smithy is improvised, a fire kindled,
and the accident remedied without delay to the balance of the battery. When in
camp a quiet sheltered spot is selected, and here the forge is unlimbered and
the smiths set at work shoeing horses and repairing damages during the intervals
of drill and discipline. In case of a sudden attack or the necessity of rapid
movement the tools are gathered together, the forge limbered up and ready for
the march as soon as any other carriage in the battery.
SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1861.
WAY TO PUT DOWN THE
THE effect produced by the
capture of the Hatteras forts should teach us
that this expedition has been a blow struck in the right quarter. It seems to
have spread consternation throughout Virginia and North Carolina. The papers are
frantic with terror, and urge their readers to lose not a moment in hurrying
their "portable property," i. e.,
slaves, to the interior. It is very easy to
advise this hegira, but it will be difficult to act on the advice. If the
planters of the whole sea-board are to convey their " portable property" into
the interior, it will be cheaper to give that "property" away. Slaves can not be
conveniently fed away from the plantations ; and if they are idle, the
agricultural system which rests on slave labor must go to the wall. Peace at any
price would be better for the Southern slaveowners than such a disturbance of
But if the blow thus struck is to
have this salutary effect, it must be followed up. There are other inlets—north
of South Carolina—which should be occupied and closed up. Two or three points on
the South Carolina coast invite early attention : a sharp blow struck at the
mouth of the
Port Royal River would be severely felt. The
same is true of the coast of Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. It is
not necessary that permanent landings should be effected. A point might be
occupied to-day, and evacuated as soon as the enemy had gathered in force to
resist the occupation. All that is necessary is that the rebels should be
convinced of the inconvenience of carrying on the war ; this can be best
impressed on their minds by the manoevnres of a flying squadron, here to-day,
elsewhere to-morrow, every where swift, resistless, terrible, and full of danger
to "portable property." A few months of this regime would convince the
substantial men of the South that they had gained nothing by throwing off their
allegiance to the Union.
If our leaders are guided by the
principles of common sense they will attack the enemy where they are weak and
not where they are strong. To march against their entrenchments and expose our
infantry to the murderous fire of the guns they have stolen from us, is to
attack them where they are strong. To molest their homes and jeopard their
"personal property" is to attack them where they are weak. The Administration
has now to choose between the two methods.
THE NATIONAL LOAN.
By the time these lines are
before the public the new United States Treasury Notes, bearing 7 3/10 per cent.
annual interest, will be offered for sale throughout the loyal region. We expect
that they will be freely subscribed for.
There are several reasons why
these Treasury Notes should be liberally taken.
In the first place, patriotism
requires it. The present atrocious rebellion can not be put down without money.
Money can not be had except by general subscriptions to these Treasury Notes. If
they are not taken, the republic is gone, and all the interests of which it is
the safeguard are worthless. We have no country, in fact, unless this rebellion
is suppressed, or, in other words, unless the means of suppressing it are
provided by the people. Every man who loves the Union, who desires to see it
last, who has any property to be injured by the prevalence of anarchy among us,
or who has any love for the old memories, the old flag, and the old nation, will
best testify his regard for them by subscribing—to the extent of his means—to
the United States Treasury Notes.
And, secondly, interest prompts
to the general investment of money in these Treasury Notes. They offer an income
of 7 3/10 per cent. on the sum invested. Savings Banks offer 5 and 6 per cent.
Such stocks as those of New York State, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Connecticut,
Massachusetts, New York City, Boston, etc., offer only 5 1/2 or 6 per cent. The
mortgage bonds (firsts) of such leading railways as the Central and Erie do not
offer quite 6 per cent. First-class bonds and mortgages only offer 7, and if the
creditor wants his money, he must wait till the bond matures, and then go
through a long and expensive lawsuit to obtain it. There is no investment in the
market which offers as large an income as 7 3/10 per cent., with a reasonable
If, therefore, the people of the
United States are patriotic, or if they are thrifty, they will take the new
Treasury Notes. We believe they are both, and we therefore expect that before
the award of the second installment of fifty millions the whole of the first
fifty will be placed.
POSTING THE BOOKS.
Jefferson Davis is dead, it is only one of many
recent facts which must make sober men who are engaged in the rebellion sadly
skeptical of their future.
The first is, that with such a
tremendous start they have gone no further.
The second is, that their
greatest success in the field was unknown to them at the time, so dearly did it
cost them, and has not been of the slightest service since.
The third is, that the division
at the North, upon which they securely counted, is more hopeless every day.
The fourth is, that the eager
taking of the popular loan invests every man's private interest and the welfare
of his family in the success of the Government.
The fifth is, that the Government
becomes daily more vigorous, and is enabled to secure the triumph of every
The sixth is, that the want of
various necessities of life will pinch more sharply as the winter advances.
The seventh is, that the cotton
is further from a market then ever.
The eighth is, the deep
conviction of every thoughtful man who studies the facts and who knows human
nature, that the longer the rebellion prolongs the war the more ruinous it will
become to the vanquished party.
You may push on and name as many
reasons as a
Puritan preacher had heads to his discourse. But a very few are
enough. The great body of the citizens who wish and mean that their Government
shall be maintained have no intention of dividing the country or of yielding
their constitutional rights to an armed faction. If that faction can overthrow
the Government it will establish itself over the whole country. As that
inevitable result becomes more and more evident, the rebels can easily
understand the scope of the task they have set themselves. They can readily
infer whether the loyal citizens of the land are likely to give it up without a
struggle such as history does not record. They can see and feel whether there
are any signs of fatigue or failure upon our side. They can ask themselves, if
their victories are to be of the Bull Run kind, how soon they are like to
succeed in ruining our system. With their coast closing—with our forces
threatening and touching them upon the East and West—with their best privateers
gone, and no more possible—with their leader dead (if it be so)—with the whole
country unanimous and fully aroused against them—with the hope of English and
French interference growing daily dimmer—with their resources of every kind
constantly diminishing, their credit gone, their money spent, and winter
settling upon them, they may post the Ledger of Rebellion for the year upon the
20th of December—the anniversary of South Carolina secession—or they may strike
the balance for the half year since the President's proclamation to October 15,
and even the famous financier Cobb would tell them, if he spoke truly, that the
concern was bankrupt, dishonored, and dead.
LETTER TO ENGLAND : NOT BY AN LL.D.
MY DEAR FRIEND,—I have at length
succeeded in quietly staking up my mind that it is useless to expect any
Englishman to understand our war. It would seem, at first blush, that people
whose ancestors have always been engaged in civil war might easily see that a
here, of itself, neither proved nor disproved any thing. Your Jacobite troubles,
the rising of '45, and the march of Prince Charlie upon Edinburgh, were not
held, I believe, to prove the English system a failure, nor show that a monarchy
is inadequate either to
prevent or repress disaffection,
treason, and rebellion. Cromwell's absolute success might have been considered
tolerably strong evidence-but King Charles came back again. The landing and
march of Monmouth is not—in this country, at least—supposed to be a valid
argument against monarchy; nor the expulsion of James, and happy coronation of
the Dutch Prince as English King.
This nation is now, as yours has
been constantly, engaged in civil war. The Government is maintaining itself
against armed rebels, assisted by those who dare every thing but fighting
against their country. You in England tranquilly sneer, and say to us, " Why
don't you give it up ? Why don't you let them have their way ? Your principle is
that people shall do as they want to."
No, my friend, you mistake. Your
principle in England, I believe, is that every body shall do as he wants to,
subject to the Constitution of England. Ours in America is precisely the same:
with this advantage, that we know what our Constitution is, and you do not know
what yours is, for it is only a series of precedents. The American principle is
not individual license, it is Constitutional liberty; and we had always supposed
that of England to be the same. We had supposed, farther, that that community of
political faith and practice was the deepest bond, with our community of race,
between us. We have learned that it is no bond whatever, and there is not a
thoughtful or humane man in the country who does not deeply regret it.
You ask, why we don't give it up?
For the same reason that England didn't give it up in any of her civil wars—the
necessity of national unity.
You ask, why we don't let the
rebels go? For the same reason that you would not let London go, or Wales, or
the County of Kent, even if a majority of those parts of England should
seriously wish to go. For the same reason, nationally, that would prevent you,
individually, from suffering your body to be cut into two, or three, or
If London or Yorkshire should
defy the English Government, we should do exactly what you have done, if we
should declare you and those rebels equally belligerents, and hold ourselves
neutral, and in every way sneer at the blundering crash of the impossible
English monarchy, which from its beginning has been only awaiting this day. We
might have sent sensation reporters to describe battles they did not see. We
might have jeered that, if the English Government were waging a war for the
miners or the factory operatives, we could have had some sympathy, but a purely
political war was perfectly dreary, and futile, and stupid. If you said to us
that the surest and most radical reforms of every kind were dependent upon order
and government, while every man's life, liberty, and property were imperiled by
anarchy, we might have stared at you, and said : " I dare say ; but you've made
your bed, and you mustn't squirm at lying in it."
These things, mutatis mutandis,
you have done and do. Of course it is not every Englishman who says or thinks
so. It is not every newspaper ; for your Daily News, and Star, and others have
been no less eloquent in their statement than just in their appreciation of the
case. But the great mass of the journals that we see in this country, and the
official voice of your Government, all speak in this strain. We are painfully
sensitive, I allow, to English criticism. Mr. Roebuck's late sneer at us is not
without reason. But I think that you, or any other intelligent man, will not,
upon reflection, find it to be altogether an ignoble susceptibility.
This younger nation, striking for
liberty under law, had hoped for your sympathy. Doubtless we forgot that you
might be unable at first to understand the bearings of the contest ; and many of
us were sure that, when you saw just how it was, your hesitating, deprecating,
or worse tone would change. In that we have been disappointed. But I think that
you are the losers. I think that you must feel very rich when you can afford to
lose so lightly the treasure of a nation's sympathy and good-will. Good-by.
A NEW COMEDIAN.
IT is interesting to step out of
the whirl of public affairs and look into an entirely different world, as one
could in the last fortnight, by stepping out of Broadway into the Winter Garden.
Mr. Clarke has been playing there. You do not know the name of course. But had
you passed an hour in the theatre you would never have forgotten it.
Mr. Clarke is a dramatic artist
of unquestionable genius. He is a comic actor ; but it is not genteel comedy,
nor broad comedy, nor grotesque comedy, nor farcical comedy that he plays, but
joyous comedy; joyous, elegant, intellectual, and of the most delicate,
sensitive, pure humor. The purity of his comedy is as remarkable as the same
quality in Dickens or Irving. It is not clouded with a moral purpose : it is fun
for the sake of fun ; but so human that the moral effect is sure.
Our late great comedian, Mr.
Burton, was properly a farceur. He was grotesque. He was, in the good sense, a
clown. He was one of the drollest men possible. No "Toodles" will ever excite so
much and so continued laughter as Burton's. But he was not a consummate artist.
You did not have that rare, intellectual delight in seeing him which is the
greatest charm whether of tragic or comic acting. There was sometimes almost an
after-taste of disgust. Yet he was one of the most truly amusing actors who has
ever played in New York; and he may be mentioned with Mr. Clarke simply to
indicate a difference.
The remarkable quality of this
gentleman's acting is its naturalness. Of course it is the naturalness of
genius, but a genius of acute perception. No part could prove it more than that
of Toodles. There are but two scenes in that sketch. The first is the interview
between Mr. and Mrs. Toodles and the sailor; the other is the drunken scene. In
the first you, who have been used to Burton's unctuous extravaganza, will be so
surprised and delighted to find that it is possible to give an equally good and
entirely new rendering of the flimsy part,
will look on with sober and
incredulous amusement. The famous P in Thompson passes unseen; but when Mrs.
Toodles begins to tell the story " he had a brother," and proceeds to hang him
upon the fore-yard of the rudder, Mr. Clarke's Toodles is unspeakably droll. The
aching agony of merriment which overpowers him—which makes him bend and double
himself with his back to the audience, while every particle of his frame is as
drunk with laughter as it is in the next scene with liquor, is one of the most
comical scenes conceivable.
Then he is the best drunken man
that was ever seen. There is a law even in the whim and incapacity of
intoxication, and Mr. Clarke's Toodles is strictly bound by it. The deliciously
funny drunkenness of Burton was directly addressed to the spectator. He poked
the fun at you. Clarke's is in the nature of things. He is too drunk to have any
consciousness of observation, except the glimmering sense of absurdity and
strain at dignity which a drunken man, who is not a mere sot, always has. It is
not so laughable as it is true. Therefore, as a drunken man is not, with all the
involuntary ludicrousness of his conduct, altogether funny, but rather the cause
of sobriety in the spectator, so you look at this man with a smile in your eves,
indeed, but a tear and sense of shame close behind. Burton's Toodles made
believe drunk ; but Clarke's is drunkenness itself. It beats the eloquent Gough
with his own weapons. It is holding the mirror up to nature so exactly that you
get just the impression nature means you shall have of drunkenness ; and if the
spectacle can do you any good-voila!
The same evening he played the
farmer in "Speed the Plough." Supposing that he would not appear until the
after-piece, we, who had no bills of the play, looked on incuriously, until the
hearty, joyous repose and completeness of the personation showed that a most
excellent artist was before us. With his shrewd instinct, infinite play of
humor, intellectual perception, and natural elegance, Mr. Clarke is a comedian
of the best and purest school, and by far the finest artist that has been seen
upon those boards since Rachel.
THE IFS IN THE WAY.
IF the late Democratic Convention
at Syracuse had adopted as its platform the first three resolutions of its
If it had not elaborately
destroyed all their force by the resolutions that follow;
If it had nominated a ticket of
men of all parties, who would gladly stand upon those resolutions; If it had
given no countenance to treason, and no sympathy and moral aid to rebellion, as
it did in several of its resolutions;
If Mr. Redfield had made such a
speech as Mr. Ogden made ;
If it had for one moment
forgotten party in devotion to the country;
If the great mass of thoughtful
citizens in the State had profound confidence in the leaders who manipulated the
If they could forget why these
same leaders have lost the political control of the State;
If they could forget that these
same leaders are using the war to play a desperate game for the ascendency of
their party at the very moment that the existence of the Government is
If the great mass of the people
of this State had not resolved to repudiate all party purpose, postpone all
party action, and renounce every party name; and,
If those people had not made up
their minds to intrust the government of this State at the next election to men
who believe that traitors are the worst of enemies, not friends in disguise, and
who are therefore bent upon repressing the rebellion unconditionally and
finally, why then there might be some chance that the purely partisan ticket of
the late Democratic Convention would get several
SELECT VARIETIES OF TREASON.
THAT Governor Magoffin, of
Kentucky, is a friend of Mr. Breckinridge of the same State, is fully proved by
the message the former has recently sent to the Legislature. The principle which
controls the action of both of them is that you must serve the enemy in the best
way that circumstances allow.
If, for instance, you are an
editor in New York, you must fill your paper with a loud outcry over the horrors
of war, omitting to mention what and who began war, and so enforced either
submission or resistance. If you are a Senator in Congress, you are to remember
that you can help the conspiracy more by remaining and denouncing the motives of
those who are defending their Government from destruction, than you can by
packing up and going to Richmond where you belong. If you are Governor of a
State, you are to refuse the requisitions of the National Administration because
you call them unconstitutional. You are to declare your State neutral, while you
give all possible sympathy and aid to the rebellion; and, finally, you are to
assume and state the essential absurdity of secession, that a State is sovereign
against the United States.
These are the parts for traitors
within our lines to play. These are the parts they are playing and have played.
This is the Maryland philosophy which assumes that the rebellion is successful,
that the Union is gone, that every State may follow when and where it pleases
(which is a logical and undeniable consequence of the other two positions), and
that Maryland, to secure the commercial supremacy to which Baltimore is
entitled, ought to go with the rebels.
They are assertions which force
upon every honest mind the conviction that the National Government, within its
sphere, is absolutely supreme over all the citizens, or it is not. If it be so,
there is no such thing as State independence and neutrality, any more than
county, or town, or individual neutrality. If it be not, the laws of the United
States are waste paper and its Government moonshine.