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government; that its avowed
object is to open the slave-trade and extend the area and confirm the condition
of human slavery—an object which would disgrace Dahomey or a Polynesian
Prince—an object, also, which is totally repugnant to the spirit and the history
of your own country, is all of no avail, against—what? Why, my dear John,
against an organic hatred of our system and principle. For; look at it. The
vindication of this Government by the suppression of the rebellion will be the
proof of the superior force of a popular to any form of aristocratic Government.
It is the justification of John Bright against all Toryism: of the News against
the Times: of John Stuart Mill and Cairnes against Blackwood: of the people of
England against the aristocracy. Do you think the governing class can think of
such a result with patience?
But more than that, our success
leaves us with a vast and powerful fleet built in the light of the most advanced
science. We emerge from the war not only a commercial but a naval nation, and
with a navy of iron. How do you think old Wooden-Walls likes that ? Still again,
we emerge with a national hatred of the governing influence of Great Britain,
but with a vast army and great navy and the habit of war. Nor that only; but
this warlike nation, hating England, emerges with the knowledge that it holds
fast one hand of England by its cotton, and the other by its grain. Do you
suppose that is an inspiring thought for the surly aristocrat, who walks under
your hat and calls himself by your name?
But look here, John Bull. Do not
for a moment suppose that I confound the generous part of you with the mean. The
mean part, although the most cultivated, the richest, the most intelligent, has
not hesitated at inventing and uttering the most infamous falsehoods about me.
It has called use sordid, cowardly, stupid, mad, ferocious, grasping, unjust. It
has declared that I was destroying all guarantees of liberty, and trying to
throttle a noble, chivalric, and deserving brother. But it has consoled itself
by the thought that financial ruin, starvation, and at last utter anarchy and
riot, would compel me to yield to destruction. It has asserted that by waging an
infamous war I kept the cotton from your looms and the bread from your mouth.
But you have been wiser, though you were the sufferer. You know that a wanton
effort to destroy me is making by the growers of cotton, who hope that your want
of it will compel you to help them. They have not persuaded you, but they have
found the heart of your alter ego already theirs.
And now, John, I want you to
understand that I know this and honor you. Your cause is mine; for we are both
children of the people. I am, to be sure, engaged in a hard fight, but I was
never more prosperous. My fields during the year have grown use wheat for the
world. My work-shops are active. My cities and towns were never more quiet. Bad
men, who are the friends of your enemies here, try to annoy me. I have been
forced to learn how to fight while I was fighting, and the delay has caused you
to suffer sorely. But here are ships full of food for you, and here are hearts
full of sympathy and gratitude. I am overflowing and you are empty; and I am
glad enough to have the chance of sending to you a proof of my steady
appreciation and friendship. Remember in all time to come that the cause of an
aristocracy can never be the cause of the people. I have learned that. It is the
aristocracy which is now seeking my life. If it kill me, your hopes are slain.
If I conquer it, you may look at me to see your future. Good-by, John. Your
THERE is one military arrangement
which should certainly be corrected; and that is the mingling of convalescent
and discharged soldiers and deserters in the same camp. There is a great camp, a
kind of military settlement at Alexandria, where this is done; and the treatment
of the convalescents in particular demands a much more charitable consideration
than it has yet secured. The
Sanitary Commission is not unmindful of then,
but its special function is with the really sick and suffering; and a separate
bureau or department might wisely be instituted for this purpose. We hear of one
parish that has sent within a few months two hundred dozens of backgammon
boards, heaps of foot-balls, and games of every kind for the amusement of the
soldiers who are getting well. Of course any generous hand may stuff the boards
with tracts of the most earnest and persuasive kind. But in sending them, don't
forget the games and balls. Sick people must play. They can't read tracts all
the time. When they have read they must have exercise; and they can not
comfortably play checkers with "the Dairyman's Daughter," nor kick "The Midnight
Bell" as high as the sky.
And let it be remembered that the
longer the war lasts the more stringent is the demand for every kind of supply
that has been hitherto furnished to the Commission. The most skeptical now see
and confess its great service to the life and health of the army. Its
operations, although in conformity to the military departments, are yet carried
on independently. Its supplies reached the needy at Antietam forty-eight hours
before those of the regular Government authorities; and its traveling hospital
and pharmacy and sick commissariat moves in the van of the army. Meanwhile its
faithful and devoted agents neither tire nor flinch. The Sanitary Commission is
an illustration of the results attainable by the direct application of common
sense to the emergency. It is, of course, exactly what the Sanitary Department
of the army ought to be. But it was the department which outsiders could equally
well organize and conduct. If every department had been managed with a similar
sole regard to the accomplishment of its intention, why then—why then, things
would have been different.
For the convalescents, also,
reading of a pleasant, not professedly pious, kind is also most desirable.
Magazines, light books,
newspapers, are always welcome. The current illustrated newspapers are
especially interesting to them. A shower of such as ours falling into the camp
every week would be most refreshing and fertilizing. The veterans like to see
the faces of their heroes, and the places whore they have fought. But whatever
you may choose to send bear them in mind, the brave boys who are recovering from
wounds and sickness, fallen to them in serving us with their health and lives.
FEELING THE PUBLIC PULSE.
WHETHER Dr. Barney and Mr. J.
Wesley Green are men of straw or not the object of the reports about them is
clear enough. They are put forth as feelers of the public pulse. The men who
mean that the Government shall be destroyed by surrender to the rebellion
endeavor, by spreading the stories that propositions of peace have been offered
by the rebels, to ascertain whether the nation is yet ready to end the war with
any thing less than actual victory.
The organs of the reaction do not
hesitate to throw off the thin veil of loyalty, and to declare that the war can
end in one way only; that is, by a convention and negotiation. Now the object of
all of us should be to deal with facts. How then can there be a convention or
negotiation except by the virtual admission of the Government that it can not
maintain its full authority? For if the Government is to be maintained without
change there is clearly no need of a convention. If it is to be changed, then
the rebellion is successful. Certain citizens have risen in arms against the
Government, not because they have been oppressed, but because they think that
they may be, and because they do not like a Government which they can not
control. If now that Government asks them "Upon what terms will you return to
your obedience?" it confesses that it is not strong enough to compel their
obedience. But if that be so, the Government will be always at the mercy of any
faction which chooses to take up arms. It will be the old story. It will be
If the rebels, for instance,
should return to their loyalty as citizens because the nation agreed that they
should reopen the slave-trade and carry their slaves, without question, into the
Territories, we should merely have invited them to demand any other privilege at
the point of the bayonet, and we should have justified the rebellion of any
other section that chose to believe itself aggrieved. Then suppose that some of
the Free States should take up arms and demand that the representation of slaves
should cease—would there be another convention, and would they be tempted back
by the concession of their demands?
It is true that a really powerful
Government has sometimes granted demands irregularly made; and it has been
wisely done. But those were grants by conscious power. If the Government had
refused and denied those demands through a desperate war of two years, and then
granted them, it would be only because it was conquered and could not help
itself. We speak of an armistice; but what is it? It is a temporary truce. In
this case it would be a truce to give time for negotiation. But negotiation for
what? The Government exists, and the rebels make war upon it. Therefore a
negotiation can only be an arrangement of terms upon which they will submit.
Thus it comes precisely to the same point. If we do not accept their terms, they
will take up arms again. If we do accept them, they are the masters of the
They may or may not have made
propositions. But as the "Conservative party"—heaven save the mark!—desire the
submission of the Government to rebellion, under the name of negotiation and
convention, and, for the sake of obtaining political power, would unquestionably
give any guarantee for the protection and extension of slavery that might be
required, we propose to hold our own eyes open, and to help others, that every
thing may be clearly seen and understood.
WAR-CLAIMS FOR SOLDIERS AND SAILORS.
SOME months since an admirable
Society was formed in Chicago, called the Protective War-Claim Association, the
object of which is to secure to soldiers or sailors and their families any
claims for pay or pensions, etc., at the least cost to the claimants.
The field for such a benevolence
is evident at once to any one who thinks of the condition of the great mass of
the soldiers and sailors, ignorant of legal processes and compelled to rely upon
the services of claim-agents, who can do very much as they please, even to
buying up the claims at a small fraction of their real value. The sharpers—for,
sad to say! even the legal profession is not without such—are and have long been
already at their work. Many a faithful fellow from the army or the navy has been
copiously swindled. The evil drew the attention of thoughtful men, and by a very
simple plan they seek to avoid it.
The first essential is, that the
movers and managers shall be men entirely above suspicion of self-interest in
the matter; and the second is, that their characters shall be a sufficient
guarantee of their active supervision of the operations. A third essential is,
that the soldiers and sailors shall know both of the existence of the
Association and of the fact that it is managed in good faith, like the Sanitary
Commission, for their benefit. Let them understand, therefore, that the precise
objects are—1st, To secure their claims at the least cost; 2d, To protect them
and their families from imposture and fraud; 3d, To prevent false claims from
being made against the Government; 4th, To give gratuitous advice and
information to soldiers and sailors and their families.
The members of the Association
have contributed a sufficient sum to establish it; and the necessary expenses
will be met by the percentage allowed upon the collection of claims. For the
present these are: one dollar for sums of fifty dollars or less; two and a half
dollars for every one hundred
dollars more than fifty; and upon
claims for pensions the smallest possible legal charge. 'Thus the working of the
Association will be the Board of Directors and the claim-agents whom they shall
The great necessity of such a
society and its practical benefits are obvious enough. There should be in every
State affiliated associations. Chicago begins and New England answers. The
head-quarters of the New England Association are in Boston. The Chief Justice of
Massachusetts is its President, and honorable and conspicuous citizens of all
parties and faiths are among its Directors. We beg every soldier and sailor who
may chance to read these lines to remember the friendly hands and hearts that
are opened to him, and to tell his neighbor. And how soon will New York move?
While our brave soldiers and sailors are delivering us from the hands of rebels
let us hasten to save them from those of sharpers.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
AN Irishman lost his hat in a
well, and was let down in a bucket to recover it; the well being deep, and
extremely dark withal, his courage failed him before he reached the water. In
vain did he call to those above him to pull him up; they lent a deaf ear to all
he said—till at last, quite in despair, he bellowed out: "Be St. Patrick, if ye
don't draw me up, sure I'll cut the rope!"
A little fellow weeping,
piteously was suddenly interrupted by some amusing occurrence. He hushed his
cries for a moment—the train of thought was broken. "Ma," said he, renewing his
snuffle, and wishing to have his cry out—"Ma, ugh! ugh! what was I crying about
The Irish Parliament, in 1784,
sent a bill limiting the privilege of franking to England for the royal
approbation. One clause enacted, "That should a member be unable to write, he
might authorize another person to frank for him, provided that on the back of
the letter so franked the member gives a certificate, under his hand, of his
inability to write."
A man at Newcastle, who served
four days on a jury, says he is so full of law that it is hard work for him to
keep from cheating somebody.
A person speaking to a very deaf
man, and getting angry at his not catching his meaning, said, "Why, it is as
plain as A B C." "That may be, Sir," replied the poor man; "but I am D E F."
"How well he plays for one so
young," said Mrs. Partington, as the organ-boy performed with the monkey near
the door; "and how much his little brother looks like him to be sure!"
ON Wednesday, December 10, in the
Senate, a resolution directing the Military Committee to inquire into the
expediency of reporting a bill forfeiting the pay and emoluments of officers of
the army during the time they are absent, except when upon sick leave, was
adopted. The bill for the relief of the owners of the French ship Jules et Marie
was taken up and passed. The House bill providing for the discharge of State
prisoners, and authorizing Judges of the United States Courts to take bail and
recognizances to secure their trial, was taken up and ordered to be printed, and
postponed until to-day. Senator Henderson, of Missouri, gave notice that he
should introduce a bill to aid the State of Missouri in effecting the
emancipation of the slaves of that State—In the
House, the Senate bill providing for the admission of the State of Western
Virginia into the Union was passed by a vote of 96 against 55. A resolution was
adopted calling on the Secretary of War for a statement of the number and grade
of every officer absent from their commands; the number of major and brigadier
generals not assigned to actual commands, and the names and grade of their
staffs; the number of aids-de-camp that may be dispensed with, etc. The
Committee of Ways and Means were instructed to bring in a bill amending the
eleventh section of the Excise and Tax law, in order to confer upon assistant
assessors the same authority that is possessed by the principal assessors.
On Thursday, 11th, in the Senate,
a resolution was adopted instructing the Committee on Finance to inquire into
the expediency of allowing Surat cotton to be imported into the United States
upon the payment of the same duties as for cotton imported from beyond the Cape
of Good Hope. The President sent in a Message recommending a vote of thanks to
Lieutenant George W. Morris and Lieutenant
John L. Worden, the commanders respectively of
the sloop of war Cumberland and iron
battery Monitor, for gallant conduct in the
action with the rebel steamer Merrimac; referred. The resolution relative to the
arbitrary arrests of certain citizens of Delaware was then taken up and
discussed till the adjournment—In the House, a resolution providing armed
vessels to convoy ships laden with provisions for the starving operatives of
England was introduced, but objection was made to its consideration. The bill
appropriating $9500 indemnity for damages received by the French ship Jules et
Marie by collision with the United States steamer San Jacinto was passed. A
message from the President, recommending that John L. Worden receive the thanks
of Congress by resolution for his gallant conduct on the Monitor in combat with
the Merrimac, such thanks being necessary under the law to advance him one grade
in the naval list of officers of the navy, was referred to the Naval Committee.
Mr. Roscoe Conkling asked leave to report a bill to establish a uniform system
of bankruptcy, with an amendment, in the nature of a substitute, and desired
that a day should be assigned for its consideration. Resolutions were offered
declaring the President's emancipation not warranted by the Constitution; that
the policy of emancipation, as predicated in the proclamation, is not calculated
to hasten the restoration of peace, is not well chosen as a war measure, and is
an assumption of power dangerous to the rights of citizens and the perpetuity of
a free government. On motion of Mr. Lovejoy the resolutions were laid on the
table by a vote of ninety-four against forty-five. The House then went into
Committee of the Whole and discussed the President's plan of negro emancipation.
On Friday, 12th, in the Senate, a
resolution was offered directing the Military Committee to inquire into the
expediency of allowing to enlisted men now in the service of the United States,
entitled to a bounty of one hundred dollars before the passage of the act of
1862, the same advance bounty as was allowed to enlisted men by that act; and
also what legislation is necessary to secure more prompt and speedy payment of
the troops in the field and hospitals. The Senate then adjourned till
Monday.—The House was not in session.
On Monday, 15th, in the Senate,
Senator Davis, of
Kentucky, offered a resolution, which was laid
on the table, declaring that after it had become manifest that an insurrection
against the United States was about to break out in several Southern States,
James Buchanan, then President, from sympathy with the conspirators and their
treasonable projects, failed to take the necessary and proper measures to
prevent it; wherefore he should receive the censure and condemnation of the
Senate and of the American people. A resolution requesting the President, if not
inconsistent with the public interests, to transmit to the Senate the report and
accompanying documents of Hon. Reverdy Johnson as Commissioner of the United
States during last summer at
New Orleans, was adopted. Senator Wright, of
Indiana, offered a resolution, which was also adopted, that the Committee on the
Judiciary be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by act of
Congress that any loyal citizen of the United States, who has
sustained damages from the troops
of the States engaged in the present rebellion, may set off such damages against
any claim or demand against him in any action at law by any such rebellious
States, or the agents or trustees of such States, or in any case where such
claim or demand it for the use or benefit of such States. A resolution
instructing the Committee on Foreign Relations to inquire whether some method
can not be devised to manifest the sympathy of Congress with the suffering
Lancashire operatives was ordered to be printed. The resolution calling for
information relative to arbitrary arrests in Delaware was taken up, and Senator
Davis made a speech, arguing that the President had no authority, under this
Constitution, to make such arrests.—In the House, a resolution, declaring that
in the judgment of the House there should be no legislation changing the
existing laws providing for the payment of interest on the public debt in coin,
was adopted by a vote of eighty-one against twenty-four, and a joint resolution,
that the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States be and is hereby
authorized and empowered to pay in coin any portion of the bonded public debt
maturing and falling due previous to the first day of January, 1864, was
referred to the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. Colfax introduced a bill to
reduce the duties on paper from thirty-five down to ten per centum. It was
referred to this Committee on Ways and Means. Mr. Noell, of Missouri, introduced
a bill, which was referred, to procure the abolishment of slavery in Missouri
and provide compensation to loyal owners. A resolution was adopted instructing
the Committee on Ways and Means to inquire into the expediency of revising the
tariff, increasing the duty on foreign goods not of prime necessity, so that the
importation of foreign goods shall not exceed the amount exported of American
growth and manufacture, exclusive of specie. A resolution indorsing the
emancipation proclamation was adopted by a vote
of seventy-eight against fifty-one. The Army Appropriation bill was reported and
made the special order for Thursday. The first proposition for peace was
introduced by Mr. Conway, of Kansas, who offered a resolution in effect
dissolving the Union, and acknowledging the independence of the Confederate
States. It was laid on the table—Mr. Conway being the only one who voted in the
negative. In Committee of the Whole, Mr. Cox, of Ohio, delivered a speech on the
topic, of the
President's Message and the removal of
General McClellan, and at the conclusion of his
remarks the House adjourned.
On Tuesday, 16th, in the Senate,
the resolution censuring ex-President Buchanan for his course respecting the
rebellion was laid on the table. The consideration of the subject of arbitrary
arrests of citizens was postponed till next day. The death of Representative
Luther Hanchett, of Wisconsin, was then announced, the customary resolutions of
respect and condolence adopted, and the Senate adjourned.—In the House, on
motion of Mr. Cox, of Ohio, it was resolved that the Secretary of the Treasury
be directed to furnish to the House a statement of the amount of the United
States loan created in 1841, and extended by act of April 15, 1842, which falls
due during the present year, and also the names of those who are registered as
the owners thereof, and such information as the Department may possess as to the
actual ownership thereof; and that he communicate to this House a copy or copies
of any memorial or memorials addressed to him or to the Treasury Department,
proposing or soliciting a special medium of payment to the owners or holders of
said loan, and whether he proposes to pay said loan in coin. The consideration
of Mr. Stevens's resolution, declaring that the Union must be and remain one and
indivisible forever, and that it would be a high crime to advise or accept peace
propositions on any other terms, was postponed for three weeks. The West point
Academy appropriation bill was passed. A bill for the removal of the
Sioux Indians, and the sale of their lands, was
referred. The decease of Mr. Hanchett, of Wisconsin, was announced, the usual
resolutions were adopted, and the House adjourned.
ARMY OF THE POTOMAC.
We publish on page 830 an account
of the bombardment of Fredericksburg, and the successful crossing of the river.
On the following day, Saturday, 13th the fight was renewed. It is stated that
40,000 men of our army were engaged against a large force of the rebels.
Franklin, on the left, gained some ground.
Sumner, on the right and centre, attacked the
first line of the rebel defenses, but was repulsed. The loss of life was very
great. On Sunday, 14th, the battle was not renewed. There was some artillery
firing in the morning, but it ceased about noon.
During the storm and darkness of
General Burnside succeeded in making good his
retreat across the Rappahannock without attracting the attention of the enemy.
The artillery was first moved over, the infantry bringing up the rear, and
reaching the north bank safely a short time after daylight. The pontoon bridges
were then removed, and the communication between the two shores was effectually
AFFAIRS IN THE SOUTHWEST.
From Cairo we learn that General
Hovey's expedition on the Mississippi has returned to Helena, Arkansas. The
results of the expedition are one hundred and sixty rebels killed, wounded, and
captured, and our loss thirty-four killed, wounded, and missing. The army of
General Sherman has returned to
Memphis. The rebel army of Mississippi is said
to be between Jackson and Canton. General Grant is still at Oxford with his
MOVEMENT IN NORTH CAROLINA.
Twelve regiments left New been on
6th, probably to make an attack on Weldon and Petersburg. On 7th two transports
and five gun-boats ascended the Chowan River, and a land force of ten thousand
were seen in motion from Suffolk, indicating a movement on Weldon.
OF THE "ALABAMA."
According to the news brought by
the schooner Alice, which arrived at this port last week from Point Petre,
the Alabama ran into port at Martinique, after
robbing and destroying by fire the ships Levi Starbuck of New Bedford, and the
T. B. Wales of Boston. The United States steamer San Jacinto, Commander
Ronckendorff, being off the port went in pursuit, and found her there. During
the ensuing night, however, with the aid of the French authorities, she made her
escape. She is said to have since returned to Martinique: the San Jacinto is
McCLELLAN DIDN'T TAKE RICHMOND.
General McClellan was examined last week on the
trial of General McDowell, and his testimony was of intense interest, detailing,
as it did, the plans of the campaign on the peninsula. Among other things he
said: "I have no doubt, for it has ever been my opinion, that the Army of the
Potomac would have taken
Richmond had not the corps of
General McDowell been separated from it. It is
also my opinion that had the command of General M'Dowell joined the Army of the
Potomac in the month of May, by way of Hanover Court House from
Fredericksburg, we would have had Richmond in a
week after the junction."
AFFAIRS IN WEST SECESSIA.
General Bragg has gone to
Vicksburg, Mississippi, and
Joe Johnston now commands the rebel army of
East Tennessee. The citizens of that section are in a state of insurrection
against Jeff Davis's conscript law. Large numbers of them are up in arms in
ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FROM LOUISIANA.
The election, for Members of
Congress for the First and Second Districts in Louisiana, held on the 3d
instant, have resulted in the choice of two unconditional Union men, Messrs. B.
F. Flanders and Michael Hahn. Mr. Jacob Barker, whom the New Orleans Delta calls
"the negro-worshiping and rebel candidate," was defeated, at which the Delta
ELECTION IN TENNESSEE.
Governor Johnson has issued a proclamation
providing for an election of representatives for the Ninth and Tenth
Congressional Districts of Tennessee. He says it is believed that a large
majority of the voters in these districts have given evidence of loyalty and
allegiance to the Constitution and laws; but no disloyal person is to be
permitted to vote.