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Page) the one right for the other. His
proposition would then read thus: "If it is true that life must be taken to save
this Union, then the people of the South should be allotted to withdraw
themselves from that Government which can not give them the protection
guaranteed by its terms."
THE meetings and speeches of the
gentlemen whom Mr. Daniel S. Dickinson, a tolerable
declares to have been the mendicants, office-seekers, and camp-followers of the
old Democratic party—crippled Democrats, who have been carried for life in the
ambulances of the party and attached to its commissariat—have been the source of
so much satisfaction to the rebels that no honest man can doubt that every vote
for Mr. Seymour, the candidate of those meetings, will be hailed with true
delight by the same "erring brethren."
Mr. John Van Buren, as we have
elsewhere said, has been the speaker of chief importance, because he has spoken
explicitly. Mr. Seymour has confined himself to generalities, some safe, some
not so safe, as he will find. Upon receipt of the speeches the rebel papers
burst into a chorus of joy. The letter of
General Scott, which was read by Mr.
Van Buren, and was aimed in the orator's intention against the fair patriotic
fame of Scott, against the Government and the war, in the opinion of the
Richmond Dispatch, "exalts General Scott from the abyss into which he has been
Seward." Mr. Van Buren meant to give the rebels the aid and comfort
of knowing that Scott, at the time of
the inauguration, wanted to let them go.
He has succeeded. He has delighted the enemies of his country. They break into
The Dispatch declares that it
appreciates "the superior chivalry and magnanimity of Van Buren and his friends
to the Black Republicans," and says that it agrees with him that taking
would not end the war, and therefore does not see why its friend Van Buren
suggests taking it.
Meanwhile, will any candid man
show the difference of sentiment between the following from the Richmond Whig
and the speech of Mr. Van Buren, the spokesman of
"Nor, after the sacrifices which
the South has suffered at Northern hands," says the Whig, "could she ever
consent, of her own free-will, to live under the same government with that
Mr. John Van Buren, speaking for
Mr. Seymour, says: "And if they won't consent, then I know that I am in favor of
so amending the Constitution as to let them go, saying to them, in the language
of the gallant Scott, 'Wayward sisters, depart in peace!"
If there is any practical
difference between Seymourism, as thus expounded by Mr. Van Buren, and
Secessionism, as set forth by the Richmond Whig, it can only be discerned by
eyes sharp enough to see the decency of reading without authority a private
letter to a public meeting.
THE FRUIT OF THE OLIVE.
WHEN Mr. Seymour says that the
Union may slide if it can not be saved without
abolishing slavery, and when his
followers echo, "Amen, let the wayward sisters go!" is it because they are
really willing the Union should be dissolved and the Government destroyed
forever? Are they totally insensible to the achievement of the Past and the hope
of the Future? Do they seriously suppose that a Government like this, a nation
like this, with the vast complex system of society that depends upon it, and the
enormous interests that are ruined by its destruction, can be broken up by an
airy wave of the hand and a flippant farewell? Or is there something behind?
Their war policy is peace. But what do they mean by peace?
Suppose their plan should
prevail. Suppose there should be an armistice, a negotiation, and a separation.
Then, what? The South would be a political unit upon slavery; and, as an
independent power, slavery would he its fundamental law, as Mr. Stephens
declared. But as the necessity of union among these States is a vital and prime
necessity, what would happen at the North? Mr. Seymour and his friends would
insist upon that necessity. Having insisted upon disunion for peace, they would
clamor for union for peace. The reaction from the war would, under the
supposition, have brought them into power. The politics of the North would be
simply reconstruction and opposition to it. But reconstruction would be possible
only by our consent to slavery in the fundamental law. By the pressure of
obvious considerations that consent might be obtained by a majority vote. Then
the Union would be re-formed under a Constitution which would not refuse to
admit the doctrine which James Madison declared that our Constitution should not
admit—the doctrine of property in man.
Nothing but a practical despotism
could keep the country quiet under such a Constitution. But the people have
learned war and after a brief and delusive lull another rebellion would
inevitably break out. The political predominance of the slave power would come
into irresistible conflict with the rights of free labor. Troubles, disaster,
blood must needs follow. We should be entirely Mexicanized, and either heave in
tumultuous revolution indefinitely or sink into abject despotism.
Meanwhile, as Mr. Seymour waves a
white handkerchief to the enemies of his country begging them to be conciliated,
and while this is a plain picture of the results of Seymourism or dishonorable
peace, it is refreshing to read the clear sentences of Mr. Seward's letter to
the West New Jersey Baptist Association:
"You may further rest assured
that the President is looking for a restoration of peace on no other basis than
that of the unconditional acquiescence by the people of all the States in the
Constitutional authority of the Federal Government.
"Whatever policy will lead to
that result will be pursued whatever interest shall stand in the way of it will
MR. SEYMOUR and his friends
prefer not to be called sympathizers with the rebellion. They declare that it is
a slander to call them so. Now that many persons may vote for him who really do
not wish the Union dissolved is very true. But it will be merely because they do
not know his real position. Should any candid man, who expects to vote for Mr.
Seymour because he can not see that the sympathizes with the purpose of the
rebellion, happen to see this paragraph, let him reflect upon the entire harmony
of the views expressed by Mr. Seymour and those of the Richmond Examiner.
The Examiner says: "As the war
originated, and is carried out in great part, for the defense of the slaveholder
in his property, rights, and the perpetuation of the institution, it is
reasonable to suppose that he ought to be first and foremost in aiding and
assisting, by every means in his power, the triumph and success of our arms."
Horatio Seymour says: "If it is
true that slavery must be abolished to save this Union, then the people of the
South should be allowed to withdraw themselves from that Government which can
not give them the protection guaranteed by its terms."
The war, says the Examiner, is
made to save slavery. If we can not succeed in the war, says Mr. Seymour,
without hurting slavery, we ought to give it up.
When you vote for Mr. Seymour you
vote for this doctrine and all its consequences.
AN INSTRUCTIVE FACT.
IT is an instructive fact that
all the newspapers in this City and State which were presented by the Grand Jury
as dangerous to the peace of the country—which were in danger of suppression by
the authorities for aiding the rebellion—which were compelled by the indignant
people to show some outward sign of loyalty and obedience to the best Government
over established among men—and which have continued in every way to paralyze the
hand of the authorities in striking the rebellion to the heart—are the most
strenuous supporters of Mr. Seymour and the most malignant defamers of General
Wadsworth. All these papers are for a vigorous submission of the Government to
the rebels. Were their power equal to their will, they would throw the loyal
masses of the North at the feet of the rebellion, like a lump of dough, to be
moulded into the form that best suits Davis, Wigfall, Toombs, and Slidell.
A BLUNDER AND A TRICK.
IT is a favorite device of
swindlers, when they see that they hold a hopelessly losing hand, to throw up
the cards and cry out that there is cheating. But more delightfully transparent
is the dodge of this political gamblers who are excusing their defeat in advance
by declaring that there is danger of violence at the polls.
Violence from whom, please?
Violence for what, pray? This State will give Wadsworth an unprecedented
majority simply because he represents the Union cause and the support of the
Administration, not because he has been a Republican, nor from any party reason
whatever. There is not a man who will vote for him but knows that he will vote
with the enormous mass of the people. Is any such man likely to do harm to the
infrequent voter for Seymour and sympathy with rebellion? No, no; such men are
good-natured. They will insist upon protecting the ballot-box that the full
glory of the victory may appear.
Who then is to show violence? Is
it the meek and lowly Dead Rabbits who are to be oppressed? Is it the
representatives of the Subterraneans who fear blows? Is it Mackerelville that
dreads a fight? Is it the Coal Hole that trembles? When has there ever been any
kind, or hint, or suspicion of serious violence at elections that it has not
sprung from these very gentry in whose interest it is now announced that there
may be trouble at the polls?
The trick is pleasant but
transparent. It is not violence which is feared at the polls, but a minority. It
is not the sound of blows, but of ballots, that is so fearful in anticipation.
In a word, the destruction of parties in the country is so radical and complete
that the political shysters who have held on so stoutly to the last chip of a
purely party platform, even when to do so was to give the most open comfort to
the rebellion, are now in mortal terror lest their weakness should appear, and
are casting about for any excuse to avoid the annihilating result of the
Old party issues are gone, and
old party names will follow. The organization of each continues, and should
continue, for it is a necessary machinery that can be transferred much more
easily than reconstructed. While the war lasts the rebellion will be the only
grounds upon which parties are possible. By inevitable laws they will be but
two: the party of uncompromising, and the party of conditional support of the
Government. When the war is over there will be yet further reconstruction of
parties upon grounds which may be surmised, but which are not yet reached. The
nomination of Mr. Seymour was the most enormous political blunder ever committed
in this State. It is to evade the proof of that enormity at the polls that the
cry is raised of violence at the election.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
BARGAIN.—A ludicrous transaction,
in which each party thinks he has cheated the other.
The young lady who promises one
gentleman and marries another hasn't "the right ring" about her.
A queer old gentleman being asked
what he wished for dinner, replied, "An appetite, good company, something to
eat, and a napkin!"
Jones says he loves two charming
girls—Jenny Rosity and Annie Mation.
A good soldier may die, but he
"never says die."
NOT AN UNCOMMON INCIDENT.—The
lady and gentleman who lately fell in love have fallen out.
ADVICE TO THE UNCLEANLY.—Go to
A woman offering to sign a deed,
the judge asked her whether her husband compelled her to sign? "He compel me!"
said the lady; "no, nor twenty like him."
"My affairs tend downward," as
the oyster said when about to be swallowed.
A lady well advanced in
maidenhood at her marriage requested the choir to sing the hymn commencing
"This is the way I long have
And mourned because I found it
A gentleman from Boston chanced
to find himself among a little party of ladies, away down East, this summer, in
the enjoyment of some innocent social play. He carelessly placed his arm about
the slender waist of as pretty a damsel as Maine can boast of, when she started
and exclaimed, "Begone, Sir! don't insult me!" The gentleman instantly
apologized for his seeming rudeness, and assured the half-offended fair one that
he did not mean to insult her. "No?" she replied, archly; "well, if you didn't,
you may do it again."
A silk-dyer placed on his sign
the following parody on Goldsmith's familiar lines, "When lovely woman stoops to
"When lovely woman tilts her
And finds too late that tea will
What ever made a lady crosser?
What art can wash all white
The only art the stain to cover,
To hide the spot from every eye,
And wear an unsoiled dress above
Of proper color, is—to dye!"
A man with a scolding wife, when
inquired of respecting his occupation, said he kept a hot-house.
Why is the letter k like a pig's
tail? Because it is the end of pork.
If a clock were to speak to a
parrot, what would it say? Poll I ticks.
It was said of a rich miser that
he died of great want—
the want of more money.
The friendship of some people is
like our shadow, keeping close while we are walking in the sunshine, but
deserting us the moment we enter the shade.
Why does an engraver suffer less
in drowning than other people? Because he is used to die-sinking.
The difference between a
carriage-wheel and a carriage-horse is, that one goes best when it is tired, and
the other doesn't.
We should round every day of
stirring action with an evening of thought. We learn nothing from our experience
unless we muse upon it.
Rank and fashion maybe all very
fine in time of peace, but rank and file must have precedence of them in time of
Authors do not always shine in
conversation; although they possess its gold they frequently have not its small
SPOUTING WRETCHES.—A pawnbroker's
To terminate a lawsuit speedily
is the next best thing to never having commenced it.
A wag has truly said, that if
some men could come out of their coffins, and read the inscriptions on their
tombstones, they would think they had got into the wrong grave.
A BO'SAN'S MATE.—His wife.
Cream may be frozen by simply
putting it into a glass vessel, and then putting the whole in an old bachelor's
Can a person speak the truth when
he lies in bed? DIRECT FROM BEDLAM.—When is a man most like a bird?—When he's a
When is a tooth equal to four
roods of land?—When it's an acre.
STARTLING PARADOX.—However rich a
man may be, by giving away a couple of half pence, he becomes penny-less.
What is taken from you before you
get it?—Your portrait.
What is that which works when it
plays, and plays when it works?—A fountain.
REMEDY FOR DEFECTIVE SIGHT.—Eyes
THE BEST WAY OF PRESERVING
MEAT.—Invite none but vegetarians to dine with you.
"Too much of a good thing," as
the kitten said when she fell into the milk-pail.
What word may be pronounced
quicker by adding a syllable to it?—Quick.
A good many men are in the best
health when they are out of spirits.
"I'll put that in my trunk," as
the elephant observed to the orange.
A public writer thinks that much
might be gained if speakers would observe the miller's method—always to shut the
gate when the grist is out.
What is that which is ever before
us, can never be seen, and yet all are looking toward it? To-morrow.
Little girls believe in a man in
the moon; young ladies in a man in the honey-moon.
"What is the best attitude for
self-defense?" asked a pupil of a well-known pugilist. "Keep a civil tongue in
your head," was the reply.
What is that which makes all
women equally pretty? Putting the candle out.
The charities of a good many rich
people seem altogether indispensable.
ADVANCE OF THE ARMY OF THE
GENERAL McCLELLAN moved his
head-quarters on 27th to the Virginia side of the Potomac. At daylight on 26th
General Pleasanton's cavalry crossed the river at Berlin and pushed on to Lovettsviile, in the direction of Leesburg, which point he was supposed to have
General Burnside followed with his corps, and took up a
position near Lovettsville. No battle appears to have occurred. Up to the
evening of 27th every thing was quiet. General Pleasanton was said to be within
a few hours' march of the rebel Longstreet's forces.
ANOTHER BATTLE AT PEA RIDGES.
The following dispatch has been
ST. LOUIS MISSOURI, Oct. 25,
Our arms are entirely successful
again in Northwest Arkansas.
General Schofield, finding that
the enemy had camped at Pea Ridge, sent General Blunt with the First Division
westward, and moved toward Huntsville with the rest of his forces.
General Blunt, by making a hard
night's march, reached and attacked the rebel force at Maysville, near the
northwest corner of Arkansas, at seven o'clock on the morning of the 22d inst.
The enemy were estimated at from
five to seven thousand strong.
The engagement lasted about an
hour, and resulted in the total rout of the enemy, with the loss of all his
artillery—a battery of 6-pounders—a large number of horses, and a portion of
their transportation and garrison equipments.
Our cavalry and light howitzers
were still in pursuit of their scattered forces when the messenger left.
Our loss was small.
General Schofield pursued General
Hindman beyond Huntsville, coming close upon him, when his forces precipitately
fled beyond the Boston Mountain.
All the organized forces of the
rebels have thus been driven back to the Valley of the Arkansas River, and the
Army of the Frontier has gallantly and successfully accomplished its mission.
S. R. CURTIS, Major-General
THE REBEL FAILURE IN KENTUCKY.
The Richmond papers admit the
complete failure of General Bragg to accomplish any thing in Kentucky. The Whig
says that his attempt was "a complete fizzle." Thus by rebel authorities
themselves the utter defeat of two of their generals—Van Dorn in Mississippi and
The Richmond Dispatch has an
official report from
General Beauregard announcing an attack by the Union troops
on the Charleston and Savannah Railroad at Coosawatchie and Pocotaligo, on 22d,
and were "gallantly repulsed" by the rebel forces. The enemy, he says, had come
in thirteen transports and gun-boats. The Charleston Railroad is uninjured. The
"abolitionists" left their dead and wounded on the field.
BATTLE AT WAVERLEY.
A desperate fight took place at
Waverley, in Tennessee, on 23d. It appears that a rebel force 800 strong
attacked a party of 200 Union troops at that place, which is located about
twenty miles southwest of Fort Donelson. After a severe fight our men, though
greatly inferior in numbers, completely routed the enemy, killing twenty-four
and capturing twenty-five of them.
The city of
Galveston, Texas, has
been evacuated by the rebels, and was occupied by our troops on the 5th instant.
CONDITION OF THE REBEL ARMY.
Governor Vance, of North
Caroline, makes a pathetic appeal to the generosity of the people to assist in
clothing the rebel soldiers before the winter sets in. He describes them as
already suffering from want of socks, slags, and blankets. He calls upon the
farmers who are tanning hides to supply the shoes, the mothers of North Carolina
to knit the socks, and the wealthy to give their parlor carpets for blankets.
AN IMPORTANT SIGN.
Brigadier-General Edwin Price,
son of Major-General Price, of the Confederate army, has taken the oath of
allegiance to the United States. He was captured near Warsaw, Missouri, last
winter, and since that time has been on parole. He was recently exchanged for
General Prentiss, and after visiting the rebel camp at Granada, Mississippi,
returned to St. Louis. He gives it as his opinion that the rebellion is nearly
broken, and that the Confederate army can exist but a short time longer. He
visited General Curtis's head-quarters and immediately on his return resigned
his position under the Richmond government, and gave his commission to Gen.
Curtis for the latter to send through the lines. After subscribing to the oath
of allegiance, he announced his determination to observe it in both letter and
THE DRAFT IN PENNSYLVANIA.
Some little difficulty occurred
in Schuylkill County, Pennsylvania, the great coal district, last week, in
consequence of the draft. An immense force of miners turned out in arms of
various kinds to resist the draft, and for a time created much disturbance. At
last accounts, however, the trouble was adjusted, and the resistant miners had
resumed work. .
AN ANTI-SLAVERY PAPER IN NEW
A thoroughly Anti-Slavery paper,
in the French language, has just been started in New Orleans. It is called L'
Union, and addresses itself, in particular, to the French people of color, to
whom it appeals, in stirring articles, to join the Union troops and aid them in
the establishment of a "Republican system without stain, of a democracy without
fetters." The first number reproduces a letter addressed two years ago by Victor
Hugo to a Haytian poet.
MR. GLADSTONE IN FAVOR OF
IN a recent speech at Newcastle Mr.Gladstone, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said:
"I must confess, for reasons that
I need not now explain, that I do not think that England has had any interest in
the disruption of that Union; my own private opinion is that it watt rather the
interest of England that the Union should continue. I know that it is not an
opinion generally shared; but at any rate, gentlemen, whatever view we may take
of that, I think we all feel that the course which her Majesty's Ministers have
endeavored to pursue —namely, that of maintaining a strict neutrality under all
circumstances that have heretofore passed—has been a right course, and has been
the expression of the general sense of the community.
BUT HE IS SURE THE SOUTH WILL
"We may have our own opinions
about Slavery—we may be for the South or against the South: but there is no
doubt, I think, about this:
Jefferson Davis and the other leader,, of the South
have made an army—they are making, it appears, a navy—and they have made what is
more than either—they have made a nation. We may anticipate with certainty the
success of the Southern States, so far as regents effecting their separation
from the North. I, for my own part, can not but believe that
that event is co certain as any event yet future and contingent can be. But
it is from feeling that that great event is likely to arise, and that the North
will have to suffer that mortification, that I earnestly hope that England will
do nothing to inflict additional shame, sorrow, or pain upon those who have
already suffered much, and who will probably have to suffer more."
Sir John Pakington asserted, in
Worcestershire, that the time had arrived when her Majesty's Government, in
conjunction with the governments of other countries, ought to offer to mediate
between the Northern and Southern States of America, on this basis of a
separation of the contending sections of the republic, and with a clear
understanding that the non-success of such an effort to stay the horrors of the
civil war would be followed immediately by the recognition of the Southern
Equally strong views have been
expressed by Mr. Locke King and Mr. Alcock, members for East Surrey.
Sir E. B. Lytton, in the course
of his speech said: "No dispassionate by-stander can believe that the Union will
be restored, and no far-sighted politician can suppose that the curse of slavery
will long survive the sepatation, of which it is the most ostensible, though it
is neither the only nor perhaps the most powerful cause."