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GUVERNOR CANNON OV
HERE is a grate gun at last!
In the mold ov Freedum cast,
Made tu pat daown treeson. Ef so
be these rebbels dare
Tu strut raound in Delaware,
He will know the reeson!
He don't feel a call tu grin
When fokes up and tawk agin
Lincoln's Administrashun; And
refuse to stir a mite
Hail Columby's foes tu fite,
For tu save the nashun.
He thinks 'tain't much ov a joke
When fokes North begin tu croak
Fur the sake ov party:
He thinks Freemen shood unite Tu
go in fur what is rite,
And support it hearty.
While the Suthern rebbels brag
That thav'll trample daown aour
And proceed tu du it,
He thinks every Northern man
Ought to strike 'em where he can, Or be made to rue it!
He's the gun tu make a noise!
Jest the kind ov metal, boys,
Thet we want fur traitors! When
Columby is sot free,
She will kaount sich men es he
Es her liberators.
SATURDAY, APRIL 25, 1863.
RELATIONS WITH GREAT
IT is not to be disguised that
our relations with Great Britain have reached a most critical pass. The speeches
of the Solicitor-General of England and of Lord Palmerston, in Parliament, on
27th March, indicate a determined purpose on the part of the British Government
to persevere in the work of fitting out piratical vessels in British ports to
prey upon our merchant navy, It was well shown by Messrs. Forster, Baring, and
others, that the equipment of the
Alabama was in violation of the
Foreign Enlistment Act; and that other similar vessels—some say eighteen, others
fourteen—are being constructed for the rebels at Liverpool and other British
ports, without let or hindrance by the Government, and will soon be at sea,
manned by British sailors, armed with British guns, and as thoroughly British in
every respect as the Warrior herself. The only answer to these cogent facts was
some legal quips and quibbles in the Nisi Prius style by the Solicitor, and a
sneer from Lord Palmerston about "the Americans always picking a quarrel with
England whenever they got into trouble."
Passing over the insolence of the
latter speaker, who has been well said to represent the black-leg element in the
British Cabinet, and the cheap erudition of the lawyer who was hired to defend
the Government, the fact remains that we are practically at war with Great
Britain without the power of reprisals. Every British dock-yard is now engaged
in building steamers to capture and burn our merchantmen, to run our blockade,
and to bombard our defenseless sea-board cities. The evidence points
irresistibly to the conclusion that all the authorities and men in stations of
influence in England are in the conspiracy against us. Lord Palmerston considers
our complaints of the destruction of thirty odd American vessels by the British
cruiser Alabama mere indications of our wish to pick a quarrel with England;
Lord Russell sees no ground for arresting the Alabama until he has been assured
she has got safely to sea, when he issues his tardy warrant; Member of
Parliament Laird laughs—and the House of Commons re-echoes the laugh—at the
objections which are made to his supplying the rebels with a navy; the
Commissioners of Customs, with their ears stuffed with cotton and their pockets
with the produce of Confederate bonds, are ready to swear off the most obvious
Confederate steamer as a harmless craft intended for the Emperor of China; and
the merchants, ship-builders, and newspapers of England all claim the right of
furnishing the rebels with a navy, and denounce us furiously for objecting to
These events have very naturally
aroused a general and intense hostility to England among all classes in this
country. There has never been a time when hatred of the English was so deep or
so wide-spread as it is at present. There has never been a period at which war
with England could have been more generally welcomed than at present—if we were
free to engage in a foreign war.
Yet we do not believe that war is
imminent. We can not afford the luxury. The struggle in which we are engaged
taxes all our resources, and to carry it safely through to a successful issue
will require our undivided energies. For this reason we do not anticipate that
will declare war against England—
though it has ample ground for doing so; or will even declare an embargo, or
seize British property to recompense our ship-owners for the losses they are
suffering through the piratical acts of British vessels.
Our cue just now is to suffer
every thing from foreigners for the sake of concentrating our whole strength on
the suppression of the rebellion. When this is done, we shall have time to
devote to our foreign enemies.
So soon as the restoration of the
Union has been achieved, we look to see energetic measures adopted by our
Government for the settlement of accounts with England. We expect to see every
man who has lost a dollar by the depredations of the Alabama paid in full, with
interest, by the British Government. The amount can always be collected in the
port of New York. Half a dozen British steamers and a score of British ships
seized and sold at auction by the United States Marshal would go far to make a
balance. And when England next goes to war, let her look out for retaliation.
Though her antagonist be only some Hottentot chief, the ocean shall bristle with
American cruisers bearing his flag, and England may rely upon it, that for every
peaceful American trader that has been burned during this war by British
pirates, ten British vessels will then be destroyed. The next war in which
England engages will be the end of her foreign commerce. We mistake our
countrymen greatly, if, at the end of twelve months, they leave a ship bearing
the British flag afloat in any sea from the German Ocean to Behring's Straits.
But the watch-word now must
THE attack on
Charleston has been
made, and has failed. Admiral Du Pont has withdrawn, after losing one vessel and
three or four men, being perfectly satisfied that it was hopeless to renew the
contest with the force he has. His opinion is shared by all who are acquainted
with the facts. With an ingenuity and industry worthy of a better cause, the
rebels have so obstructed the approaches to the port of Charleston that no
vessel can enter until the obstructions — consisting of a combination of piles,
stakes, chains, ropes, nets, and
torpedoes — have been removed. Upon these
obstructions the fire of the principal works commanding the harbor has been
concentrated, so that a vessel engaged in attempting to remove them is exposed
to a fire compared to which the feu d'enfer which destroyed Sebastopol was a mere
summer shower. Over three hundred guns, carrying missiles of the largest and
most destructive character—100-pound and 200-pound rifled shot, shell, and
bolts—poured an incessant hail upon the eight gun-boats, carrying 16 guns, which
vainly endeavored to bombard Fort Sumter on 7th inst. It is clear that, until we
can devise means of blowing up or tearing away the artificial barrier which
arrested our vessels under the combined fire of the rebel batteries on 7th, it
would be useless to renew the attack.
Each person draws his own
inferences and forms his own opinion of the affair, according to his hopes and
views, and the temper of his mind. The most obvious of all inferences is that it
insures an indefinite prolongation of the war. Had we destroyed
Fort Sumter and
occupied Charleston there would have been good ground for expecting the early
collapse of the rebellion. As it is, the rebels will of course be encouraged to
persevere in their rebellion, while we shall merely renew our preparations for
another and possibly a more successful attack. It will, however, take several
months to build more iron-clads, and develop new engines of warfare capable of
overcoming submarine obstructions and torpedoes. The fine mind of
Ericsson and the ablest intellects in the service of the navy are already
engaged on the subject, and we doubt not but they will succeed in inventing the
article that is wanted. To a nation fixed and resolute in its purpose as this
is, failure is impossible.
No one who watches the public
mind can have helped observing the improvement which we are making in
stoutheartedness. A few months ago a little defeat depressed us woefully, and
depreciated the currency six to eight per cent. Now, the public accept defeats
as well as victories as the natural incidents of war, and are neither
excessively depressed by the one nor unduly elated by the other. Du Pont's
repulse at Charleston, which was certainly not palliated or glossed over in the
accounts in the papers, gave rise to no despair, to no abuse of Du Pont or the
Government, and barely caused a flutter in the gold market.
This nation is being educated to
its work. The race of ninety-day prophets—who did us so much harm at the
beginning, and made us so ridiculous abroad—is about extinct. No one now
undertakes to say how soon we shall crush the rebellion. But no one doubts that
we shell do so sooner or later. We may meet with more repulses at Charleston and
General Hooker may be defeated, as
General Burnside was.
Rosecrans, who has never yet lost a battle, may meet with trouble. We may lose
territory as well as battles. But
none of these disasters will
alter our purpose of going on with the work in hand until it is accomplished.
There never was a time since the war broke out when the people of the North were
more unanimous than they are at present in favor of the prosecution of the war,
and against the division of the Union on any terms whatsoever. Whatever
disappointments and delays the contest may involve, and whatever sacrifices we
may be called upon to undergo—even though a foreign war be superadded to the
civil war in which we are engaged—the firm, unequivocal, steadfast purpose of
the people of the United States, in the face of defeat, as in the hour of
victory, and in spite of all official shortcomings and administrative blunders
and incapacity, is to proceed steadily with the war until the rebellion has been
crushed, the entire territory of our fathers restored to the national domain,
and the blessings of peace secured to our children forever.
ANOTHER of our iron-clad fleet is
gone. The Monitor succumbed to the storm; the Keokuk lived eleven hours with
nineteen large shot-holes between wind and water, and after sustaining a fire
which would have destroyed a wooden ship in ten minutes. Three important points
were developed in her short life: 1st, that she was an excellent sea-going
steamer; 2d, that she had attained a speed of ten knots an hour; and, 3d, that
the ventilation was perfect without artificial aid. Her armor did not prove
thick enough, but she was so small that she could not have supported thicker
plates. On a larger vessel the armor might be increased.
ROTHSCHILDS AND THE UNION.
ON the 28th February an article
upon "Antipathy of Race and Religion" appeared in these columns, and allusion
was made to the Madrid house of the bankers Rothschild. In reference to that
article we have received the following note from W. W. Murphy, Esq.,
Consul-General of the United States at Frankfort, Germany:
"CONSULATE-GENERAL OF THE U. S.
FRANKFORT-ON-THE-MAIN, March 16,
"In your paper, Harper's Weekly,
of February 28, you do a great injustice to the eminent firm of Rothschilds
here, when you hint that they are like a certain Rabbi who held opinions that
some men were born to be slaves. I know not what the other firms—and there are
many of the Rothschilds, all related—in Europe think of slavery, but here the
firm of M. A. Von Rothschild & Son are opposed to slavery and in favor of Union.
A converted Jew, Erlanger, has taken the rebel loan of £3,000,000, and lives in
this city; and Baron Rothschild informed me that all Germany condemned this act
of lending money to establish a slaveholding government, and that so great was
public opinion against it that Erlanger & Co. dare not offer it on the Frankfort
bourse. I further know that the Jews rejoice to think that none of their sect
would be guilty of loaning money for the purpose above named; but it was left,
they say, for apostate Jews to do it.
"I hope you will correct the
statement you made about this firm. Yours truly,
"W. W. MURPHY."
AND THE REPORT.
THE Report of the Committee upon
the conduct of the war will be variously interpreted. But no thoughtful man will
deny its emphatic testimony to the sagacity of the President. Clear common-sense
in the conduct of all affairs, civil and military, is invaluable, and that the
President unquestionably has. His mildness and forbearance are no less
conspicuous. And it is impossible not to smile when you read the asseverations
of patriotic orators of the Copperhead class about the fearful despotism under
which we are suffering, and think of the patient waiting upon public opinion of
Last summer when a friend, who
knew and mentioned to the Lounger many of the facts in the report, was asked why
the President, having lost confidence in McClellan, did not remove him, he
answered rather tartly, "It is not the President's way." Fortunately it is not.
This is a people's war. It can prosper only as the people support it. When
public opinion fails to justify and continue it, then the nation will be
conquered and the Government destroyed. From the beginning, therefore, the
President has sought to conduct it in accordance with the public sentiment. He
has not moved faster than the general opinion. He has seemed, indeed, to many to
lag and linger behind it. The reasons for his course will be clearly enough
stated in any proper history of the times, for they are very readily perceived.
It may not have been the best conceivable way, but it was the only practicable
It is plain, therefore, that
while a great political party was interested in
McClellan as a possible
instrument for future purposes—which was a notorious fact—and while many of all
parties were of opinion that be should be allowed a trial of his capacity upon
so large a scale and so broad a theatre that every body could see and be
satisfied, it would have been extremely unwise in the President to have removed
him until the results of the campaign had caused the country to share his
convictions. So after Pope's disastrous campaign the temporary appointment of
McClellan to the command of the army at
Washington was doubtless the best thing
practicable under the circumstances; from which the popularity of that General
with the army and other Generals was plainly manifest.
In the case of General Burnside,
his own frank and generous statement that there was hardly a general officer in
his command who approved of his active campaign beyond the
Fredericksburg, was sufficient reason for the President to decline to consent to
the movement without consultation. But in the matter of Burnside's General Order
No. 8, which he considered essential to the discipline of his army, the
President said that the General was right, but he wanted time to advise.
Finally, he declined to confirm the order, but refused General Burnside's
resignation, and relieved him of his command. It is perfectly clear that this
noble and brave soldier, whom the hearts of his countrymen follow and bless, was
caballed out of his command. It was clearly unwise to maintain him at the head
of an army of which the general officers did not confide in his ability, or who
were too deeply devoted to another to be just to him. But there is little doubt
that the American people and history will differ in opinion from the general
officers. No man's record in this war is more loyal, more able, more soldierly,
more manly and spotless than General Burnside's.
The importance of the report as a
part of the history of the war is incalculable. It deserves to be printed in a
legible type, an honor which it has not yet achieved.
ARCHBISHOP ON THE CONSCRIPTION.
A COPPERHEAD newspaper at the
West having declared that Archbishop Hughes favored the new Conscription law and
"all the other outrageous acts of the Administration"— adds "Well, who cares?
The Right Reverend Archbishop in the Church is good authority, but in politics
he is of no more consequence than the humblest citizen. All his predictions and
assertions about the war, so far, have been just as far from being fulfilled or
sustained by subsequent events as those of the merest country bumpkin."
Thereupon the Archbishop writes
to say that he has never had any political course except to fulfill the duties
and obligations of a good and loyal citizen as implied in the spirit and letter
of his oath of allegiance to the United States Government. He adds: "The
Archbishop thinks that if a law of Conscription had been adopted twenty months
ago in the North as it had been in the South, the results would be of more
humane consequences to both sections than they are to-day."
The Archbishop is evidently of
opinion that when the authority of a Government has been wantonly defied by
armed rebellion, although up to that moment some kind of conciliation may have
been possible, yet from that moment it must be assumed that every citizen is
willing to defend civil order at any cost to himself. He shows his wisdom by
taking so perfectly common-sensible a view.
WE have been two years at war. We
have all been alternately laughing and swearing at the publicity given to
military intentions and movements, and we are as childish as ever in doing the
same thing. For many months an attack upon Charleston has been projected. Fleets
and soldiers have been collecting. That the task was very arduous, every one
knew. That the result was doubtful, every body saw. That the newspapers would
agree, this time, to say nothing until they had something to say, we fondly
But from the moment the
expedition was known to have sailed it seemed to be a necessity to say that we
had taken Charleston, that the rebels had very bad news, that the flag would fly
again over Sumter upon the anniversary of its disgrace, that General Hunter and
Admiral Dupont were in possession, that the back-bone of the rebellion had
snapped again. It was telegraphed from Washington. It was surmised in
well-informed circles. It was inferred from the want of a flag of truce.
It was reasonable from our
preparations. It was, etc., etc., etc.
But ever since
General Banks went
up the Chowan or Rowan River, in North Carolina, with forty thousand men, and
landed to co-operate with Burnside by falling upon Richmond from the rear, and
ever since the Chowan or Rowan River turned out to be a prolonged mud puddle,
and General Banks did not stop until he reached
New Orleans, there has been a
salutary distrust of startling information from our expeditions. When,
therefore, we read in the morning's paper that we have probably taken
Charleston, we are all very sure that we shall see in the first evening edition
that the capture of Charleston is not confirmed. Why, thief, should the papers
print what can not be believed, yet what can not fail to create an excitement?
The editors know, and we all know, that it is not true. Ought we to wonder that
every other nation sneers at our childish bravado and fierce gesticulation,
unaccompanied by hard knocks?
Meanwhile, of course, let us hope
that long before these lines are read Charleston may be ours. But we must
remember that for a year the rebels have been engaged in strengthening the
position by sea and land. And if you give an enemy time enough he can make
almost any place impregnable. A year ago it was different. The Lounger has in
his possession a letter written from Charleston upon the 18th of April, 1862, by
"Yours sincerely, W. A. Hammond," to "Brig.-Genl. S. R. Anderson, comdg. So.
Carolina Volunteers" in Virginia. Mr. Hammond says: "We have every thing
prepared so that we can destroy our property (although I doubt the policy of it)
on the first appearance of the Federal fleet."
Since that time the Lounger has
seen other letters speaking of the constant passage of negroes from the
back-country toward Charleston to work upon the fortifications. Thus the works
from which fire and death are to be belched upon our brothers, sons, and friends
are built under the lash and pistols of overseers to secure the perpetuity and
ascendency of slavery. The capture of the city will be no easy task. It is a
point of honor with the rebels to defend it. But Charleston is doomed as surely
as Babylon. If we recoil now, it is that we may return irresistibly.