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Page) who express these loyal sentiments are foreigners, their hearty
sympathy and interest are most grateful. But if they are American citizens why
not say so? Why endeavor to emphasize the fact of foreign birth? Why create more
classes and divisions than actually exist? Whoever is an American citizen can
have no higher title. And obviously all judicious men will wish at this time to
blend as closely as possible the great mass of loyal citizens—and to avoid
classifying them by any name of party or country. For all loyal men there is now
but one party, that of the Government; but one country, the United States of
America. When the flag floats supreme once more we may remember that we were
born in America or Germany, in Ireland or France; we may discover that we belong
to some political party that marches, with all the other parties, beneath that
flag. But now all our hands and hearts are needed to hold it aloft and establish
it securely. While the war lasts we are not Republicans or
Democrats—we are not foreigners and natives—we
are only loyal American citizens, resolved to stand by our Government and the
Union, and to support it always in every way that it requires our aid, knowing
that when the Government falls, we fall with it, and that the end of the Union
is the end of peace and prosperity in every State, in every county, and in every
town of the country.
GEORGE LONG DUYCKINCK.
A QUIET, faithful, patient, and
industrious life ended when George Long Duyckinck died. His almost shadowy
figure flitting through the street had long foretold the event; and those who
knew him but slightly, like the writer of these lines, could not be surprised
when they read that he was gone. Yet the notice of his death recalled other days
in other lands, the bloom and bright expectancy of youth, when he too dreamed
dreams and saw visions. Of literary tastes and ambition. he led the retired,
unobtrusive life of a scholar and author. And if he achieved no eminent literary
fame, his biography of George Herbert must be long prized by the thoughtful,
religious reader, while his name will be always associated with that of his
brother Evert as the joint author of that truly noble monument of literary and
historical research, the Cyclopedia of American Literature.
George Duyckinck's work ends
early, but it is well done; and the purity of the impression which even the
intercourse of a casual acquaintance received, his fidelity, his noiseless
piety, the consciousness of powers and life well used, will "plead against
oblivion for his name."
ARGUMENT OF SEPARATION.
ONE of our faithful friends in
England is Goldwin Smith, Professor of History at Oxford. He writes under the
name of "Anglo-Saxon," in the London Daily News, with a vigor and knowledge
which are most admirable. But he shares to some degree the feeling which was
combated in a late "Letter to an English Friend" in these columns, and expresses
the opinion that some kind of division might be both feasible and desirable.
In reference to this letter a
friend writes to the Lounger: "I am surprised at the difficulty experienced by
him and by others of the soundest English thinkers in recognizing the invincible
objections to a separation and division of the States. It is not easy to see
what prevents them from appreciating the case—from understanding that
geographically, politically, and morally division is alike impracticable. It is
only for men who hold similar opinions to those of Conway, of Kansas, to argue
for separation. All those who believe in the righteousness of the cause which
the North is sustaining, and who have confidence in the depth and honesty of
conviction of the mass of the Northern people, ought to see that to recognize a
Southern Confederacy is to be untrue to the principles which underlie all our
professions, and are the ground of all our hopes.
"I was writing the other day to
—, at Oxford, and citing this passage (of Goldwin Smith's). I compared with it
the following sentence from his remarkable treatise on 'Irish History and Irish
Character,' where, speaking of the possible relations between England and
Ireland, he says: 'Independence would of course be feasible in itself, if it
could only be accompanied by geographical separation; but so close a
neighborhood would involve contact, and contact would bring on collision;
rivalry, jealousy, hostility would spring up all the more certainly because
there would be between the two countries the memory of a former union and of a
recent divorce; and Ireland, menaced by the power of England, would become the
ward or vassal of France or some other foreign power, which, for its own
purposes, would constitute itself her protector.' This reasoning has a double
force in our case; and, sufficient argument as it is, is in our case accompanied
by others still stronger."
Mr. Fernando Wood and Mr. G. Ticknor Curtis sneer at loyalty, as a word which has no meaning in a popular
government, what do they mean? When they say or insinuate that it is an emotion
known only in monarchies, they merely say what the experience of every moment
contradicts. Loyalty is a purely impersonal emotion, except in the case of
individuals. The general British loyalty to the monarch, for instance, is like
the Romish reverence for the Pope. The Briton knows nothing and cares nothing
about the woman Victoria. It is the Queen who is the object of his loyalty; just
as the Holy Father may be personally a scamp or a criminal; but the Pope must be
Now an Englishman is loyal to the
Queen for what reason? Simply. you answer, because she is Queen. Yes; but what
is the Queen in England? She is merely the visible representative of the nation.
Individually she may be worthless;
but as a representative of the
national power and majesty she is profoundly honored. If she were Boadicea, if
she personally commanded men and swayed them by her superior genius, they would
be loyal to that personal superiority. But for her subjects she is a ceremony
merely; and if, in the case of Victoria, her blamelessness of life and the fact
that she is a woman, create a peculiar interest, that interest has nothing to do
with loyalty. Englishmen were just as loyal to that worthless popinjay George
Fourth as they are to the estimable woman who is now Queen. And in each case
loyalty was the same thing. It was reverence for the King and Queen. But the
King and Queen in the British system are ciphers. The reverence is for their
Now will either of the learned
political pundits who deny the possibility of loyalty as an American sentiment,
deny that the American citizen (excepting always Copperheads) honors the majesty
and power of his Government quite as much as a British subject?
It is the national glory and
grandeur—in one word, it is the Nation—which, in any civilized modern people, is
the object of the emotion called loyalty. It is blended of pride and fidelity.
And as in this country there is no separate and permanent representative of the
nation, independent of parties in the nation, the feeling attaches itself to the
Government lawfully constituted and represented. He is a loyal man who stands by
it, and votes and fights for it. He is a disloyal man who tries in every way to
embarrass and paralyze it; who talks about the distinction between the
Administration and the Government; as if a man were at honorable liberty to
refuse to obey any law, in this extremity of peril, which he may choose to call
unconstitutional; or who plots with foreign Ministers for the ruin of the
nation. Such a plan is disloyal, whoever is or is not loyal.
THE noble reprint of Bacon's
works edited mainly by Janes Spedding, which has hitherto been issued by Brown
and Taggard, has passed into the hands of Taggard and Thompson, who have lately
published the fifth volume, and will regularly complete the work, two of the
remaining five volumes being already in press. As this is the finest edition of
Bacon's writings ever published, so it is properly one of the handsomest books
issued in this country. That its publication is continued despite the war, is a
cheering illustration of the good faith of publishers, and of the sufficient
welcome of so great a work by the American people. Yet it is a matter of pride
not alone with the publishers but with us all. We are sprung from the same stock
with the philosopher, we have not outgrown his wisdom; and we honor ourselves in
arraying him for our library shelves in a manner commensurate with his worth. It
is certainly to be hoped that nothing will prevent the completion of the series.
And if there be one work which no American "gentleman's library should be
without," it is this fine edition of Bacon.
IT is pleasant to remark that the
prejudice against black soldiers is steadily disappearing before the record of
their bravery in the field. There is no instance of their ill-conduct. In the
various expeditions upon which they have been sent, although none of them have
been of the greatest importance, they have shown an obedience, an alacrity, a
steadiness, and bravery which are of the best augury for the future.
Nor have the direful consequences
to helpless innocence which, according to many, were to follow the summons to
freedom of the black race, yet been detected. The direful consequences to
helpless innocence are to be
found in the story of the treatment of the blacks by the whites, not of the
whites by the blacks. The remorseless and prolonged murder of the middle
passage—the untold and inconceivable suffering of the subject race at the hands
of brutal and irresponsible drivers—this has been the key note of the treatment
of helpless innocence in the region now in rebellion. There were plenty of
eloquent tears ready to flow upon the 1st of January over the fate that might
befall the families of rebels. Where were the same tears for the anguish and
wrong which had befallen for generations the families of the slaves of rebels?
The sympathy invoked in advance
for sufferings that are purely imaginary, was only a part of the Copperhead
conspiracy against the Government. If it could only be embarrassed and
paralyzed; if it could only be compelled to yield to the rebellion and receive
the terms that rebels might choose to impose, every Copperhead would rejoice.
The end would be obtained, and every falsehood is a good enough Morgan if it
only last until after election.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
THE LAST POTATO.
'TIS my last, last potato!
Yet boldly I stand
With the calmness of Cato,
My fork in my hand.
Not one in the basket?
Must you also go?
(With sorrow I ask it)
Shall I peel ye or no?
Let's make an incision
(There's no need to peel ye),
'Twill let in the vision,
To judge if ye're mealy.
How wholesome! how truly
It smells through the mist
Good-by, my sweet Murphy,
Oh, who could resist?
If in that blest Eden
Potatoes had been
Of fruits the forbidden,
We still should have sin;
For who in his senses
Would long be in doubt
'Twixt earth with potatoes,
Or Eden without.
On the 6th dune, 1712, Sir Mark
Cole and three other gentlemen were tried at the old Bailey for riot, assault,
and beating the watch. A paper of the day asserts that these were "Mohocks;"
that they had attacked the watch in Devereux Street, slit two persons' noses,
cut a woman in the arm with a penknife so as to disable her for life, rolled a
woman in a tub down Snow Hill, misused other women in a barbarous manner by
setting them on their heads, and overset several coaches and chairs with short
clubs, loaded with lead at both ends, expressly made for the purpose. In their
defense the prisoners denied that they were Mohocks, alleging that they were
"Scourers," and had gone out, with a magistrate's sanction, to scour the
streets, arrest Mohocks and other offenders, and deliver them up to justice. On
the night in question they had attacked a notorious gambling-house, and taken
thirteen men out of it. While engaging in this meritorious manner they learned
that the Mohocks were in Devereux Street, and on proceeding thither found three
men desperately wounded, lying on the ground. They were then attacked by the
watch, and felt bound to defend themselves. As an instance of the gross
misconduct of the watch, it was further alleged that they, the watch, had on the
same night actually presumed to arrest a peer of the realm, Lord Hitchinbroke,
and had latterly adopted the practice of going their rounds by night accompanied
by savage dogs. The jury, however, in spite of this defense, returned a verdict
of "Guilty;" and the judge fined the culprits in the sum of three shillings and
four-pence each. It is scarcely credible that, so late as the last century, a
number of young men of rank and fashion, assuming the name of a savage tribe,
emulated their barbarous actions by wantonly inflicting the most disgusting
cruelties on the peaceable inhabitants, particularly women, of London. And after
these Mohocks, as they styled themselves, had held the town in terror for two
years, after a royal proclamation had offered £100 reward for the apprehension
of any one of them, when these four persons were at last brought up to justice,
the amount of punishment inflicted was merely the paltry fine of 3s. 4d.
DO YOU GIVE IT UP?
When is the first walking-stick
When Eve presented Adam with a
little cane (Cain.)
Why is an acting magistrate like
freezing water? Justice (just ice).
REPORTED MOVEMENT NEAR
Richmond Inquirer of 3d inst.
The enemy have landed in force on
Seabrook's, or John's Island. Three gun-boats and several transports are lying
off the island. Skirmishing has already taken place between ours and the enemy's
pickets. Our pickets are driven in and the enemy advancing. General Haygood has
ordered all the women, children, and non-combatants removed from Adams Run,
which is twenty miles from Seabrook's Island.
REPORTED BREAD RIOT AT RICHMOND.
Colonel Stewart, of the Second
Indiana regiment, one of the fourteen United States officers just released by
the rebels, and who has just arrived at Baltimore, makes the following
statement: On Thursday last he saw from his prison window in Richmond a great
bread riot, composed of about three thousand women, who were armed with clubs
and guns and stones. They broke open the Government and private stores, and took
bread, clothing, and whatever else they wanted. The militia were ordered out to
check the riot, but failed to do so. Jeff Davis and other high officials made
speeches to the infuriated women, and told them that they should have whatever
they needed. They then became calm, and order was once more restored. All the
other released Union officers confirm this statement. The story, however, looks very
The news from
Vicksburg is not
encouraging. The movement on Haines's Bluff proved a failure, and our fleet has
returned to Young's Point. The bombardment of Vicksburg was postponed from the
27th ult. in consequence of a storm; but
General Grant had placed a heavy
battery of Parrott guns beyond the levee, in a position to reach the city, and
it is said has already silenced a rebel battery opposite.
THE SUNFLOWER EXPEDITION.
The Sunflower expedition has
returned to the Mississippi River. The rebels had so obstructed the channel that
no progress could be made through it. An attempt was made by the enemy to hem in
the fleet by obstruction front and rear, but the infantry succeeded in releasing
the vessels after some skirmishing.
The following has been received
at the head-quarters of the army:
MURFREESBORO, April 6, 1863.
To Major-General Halleck,
General-in-Chief, Washington: General Stanley has returned from
his scout, bringing in some forty or fifty prisoners and 300 serviceable horses
and mules. He drove
Morgan's cavalry from the peninsula, whipping them from
their strong-hold, Snow Hill, north of Smithville, and, but for their
precipitate retreat and the difficult nature of the country, would have had a
force in their rear and captured their artillery and animals.
The enemy left quite a number of
their dead, and fled toward M'Minnville, leaving many horses, saddles, and
guns. W. S. ROSECRANS.
A REBEL CAMP ATTACKED.
We learn by dispatches from
Nashville, dated on 7th, that General Mitchell, with three hundred and fifty
cavalry, went out on the Lebanon pike to Green Hill, and, dashing into a rebel
camp, where there was a large number of conscripts, on the sabre charge, he took
fifteen prisoners, killed five, and captured all their arms, horses, and
The town of Jacksonville,
Florida, has been burned by the Union forces under Colonel Rust, in return for
the attempt of the rebels to shell it and murder all the Union inhabitants.
BATTLE OF SOMERSET.
The official dispatches from
General Gilmore relative to the battle near
Somerset, Kentucky, on the 30th ult.,
have been forwarded by General Burnside to the War Department. The action lasted
five hours. The rebels were driven from their first position, which was defended
by six cannon, and the second position was finally stormed and carried. The
rebels, commanded by Pegram, and numbering over two thousand six hundred men,
were driven in confusion to and over the Cumberland River with a loss that "will
not fall far short of five hundred men." Between three and four hundred cattle
were taken, and "Scott's famous rebel regiment was cut off from the rest and
scattered." General Gilmore is the officer who commanded at the reduction of
Fort Pulaski last April.
THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC.
General orders have been issued
for a grand muster of the troops in the Potomac Army on the 10th inst., after
which the muster-rolls of the different regiments will be sent to the
Adjutant-General for the use of the Provost-Marshal in drafting men to fill up
the regiments and batteries to their legal complement.
ELECTIONS IN CONNECTICUT AND
The election in Connecticut on
6th resulted in the success of the Republican ticket for State officers, and
three of the four Republican nominees for Congress, while beth branches of the
Legislature are strongly Republican. The Democrats lose one member of Congress.
Buckingham's majority for Governor is estimated at about three thousand, being a
Republican loss of six thousand since last year. The Rhode Island election
likewise showed a victory for the Republicans.
THE REBEL LOAN.
Our European files by the Canada,
dated on the 21st of March, detail the progress of the Confederate loan to its
close in London, Liverpool, Paris, Frankfort, and Amsterdam. The bids amounted
to fifteen millions of pounds sterling, and the premium averaged fully four and
a half all through. The opinion of Sir Hugh Cairns as to the legality of the
loan in England is published with the advertisement of the promoters.
MORE SHIPS BURNED.
The ship Washington, lately
captured and bonded by the Alabama, landed at Southampton, England, about three
hundred and fifty men, taken from the American vessels Golden Little, Olive
Jane, and Palmetto, by the commander of the
Alabama before he destroyed them.
The masters of the three vessels detail the circumstances attending the outrages
of Captain Semmes.
The reports announce the end of
the Polish insurrection, so far as operations in the field against Russia are
concerned. Langiewicz was defeated in battle by the forces of the Czar, and
driven, with many of his soldiers, into the Austrian territory. Here he was held
for some time as a prisoner, his followers being placed under the surveillance
of the police. The ex-Dictator was finally surrendered to the Russian
authorities, and conveyed to the fortress of Cracow. It was rumored in Paris
that the Czar Alexander had telegraphed to Napoleon promises of an amnesty, a
liberal constitution, and the right of self-government for Poland.
THE LETTER OF MARQUE.
old Mother Britannia).—"Letter of Marque from
Mr. LINCOLN—guess there's a CHECK