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Page) Our fair readers will doubtless take pleasure in studying out
the dresses. The Times reporter thus described them:
The Princess's dress is
embroidered white silk, trimmed with silver, which can just be discerned in rich
designs glittering between the snowy folds. The traditional white is not,
however, departed from, though over all she wears a slight bodice with open
sleeves of white silk, embroidered with silver, and which, falling tight, sets
off her tapering waist and faultless symmetry of form to absolute perfection.
Her gorgeous train of white and silver is borne by eight young ladies, between
the ages of fifteen and twenty, the very choice and flower of the fair scions of
our most ancient houses.
The young ladies thus honored
with so fair a post in the long programme of this happy day are all the
daughters of dukes, marquises, or earls, whose titles are almost as familiar as
the names of our kings of old. They were Lady Victoria Alexandria Montagu
Douglas Scott, daughter of the Duke of Buccleuch; Lady Theodora Grosvenor,
daughter of the Marquis of Westminster; Lady Diana Beauclerk, daughter of the
Duke of St. Albans; Lady Elma Bruce, daughter of the Earl of Elgin; Lady
Victoria Hare, sister of the Earl of Listowel; Lady Agneta Yorke, daughter of
the Earl of Hardwicke; Lady Victoria Alexandrina Elizabeth Campbell, daughter of
the Earl of Cawdor; Lady Constance Villiers, daughter of the Earl of Clarendon;
Lady Ernestine Emma Horatia Mount Edgecumbe, daughter of the Earl of Mount
Edgecumbe; and Lady Feodorowna Cecilia Wellesley, daughter of Earl Cowley.
It is quite superfluous to say
how they looked, as, robed in snowy white and wrapped in veils, they followed
their royal mistress with soft footsteps, though, as they were not going to be
married, they seemed to think themselves relieved from the necessity of looking
on the ground, and glanced about and turned to one and another, and made believe
to look as if they did not know and hear that they commanded almost their full
tribute of admiration, even behind such a lady in such a scene as this.
Imagination must draw their pictures, for words would fail to paint them. Their
dresses were all of white—a wonderful mixture of silk and lace that made them
seem ethereal in their lightness, as partly wrapped in long soft veils they
passed as noiselessly as a vision which can not be forgotten or described.
Another writer says:
The Princess's wedding-dress
consisted of a petticoat of pearl-white silk, embroidered with the rose,
thistle, and shamrock, trimmed with four rows of silver lace round the bottom,
robing up the centre, over which was suspended a train of crimson velvet,
magnificently embroidered with the same design in silver as the petticoat. The
bodice and sleeves were composed of the same costly materials. The costumes of
the bridemaids were composed of a rich white glace slip, covered with tulle
skirts, the bottom trimmed with a ruche of bouillonnes of tulle, the middle one
looped up in spaces all round with bouquets of blush-roses, heather, and
shamrock. From the waist fell a long tulle tunique, festooned upon one side with
two long hanging bouquets of roses, etc.; the body and sleeves trimmed to
correspond with tulle and flowers. Coiffure, a wreath of roses, heather, and
shamrock, with a long tulle veil falling from the back of the head.
The Illustrated London News says:
The Princess looked as beautiful
as she did on Saturday—as beautiful as we trust she will for many and many a
long year; but she was evidently in a state of extreme nervous agitation; her
eyes were downcast, and it was easy to perceive the tremulous motion of the
large bouquet of orange-flowers she carried. Her dress, of ample but inordinate
dimensions, was of white tulle over white silk, richly decked with
orange-blossoms; a wreath of the same pretty components encircled her head, and
mingled with her soft brown hair, which was not so entirely coiffee a la
Chinoise as on Saturday, but had sufficient abandon given to it to permit one of
those long, pendent curls called a repentir to fall on her neck. For all
ornament she wore the superb parure of pearls and diamonds presented to her by
the bridegroom. Her train, which was of great length, was of white silk, and was
borne by the eight noble damsels—daughters of earls—who officiated as
SOLILOQUY OF THE SPANISH
GR-R-R—there go, my heart's
Water your damned flower-pots,
If hate killed men, Brother
God's blood, would not mine kill
What? your myrtle-bush wants
Oh, that rose has prior claims—
Needs its leaden vase filled
Hell dry you up with its flames!
At the meal we sit together:
Salve tibi! I must hear
Wise talk of the kind of weather,
Sort of season, time of year:
Not a plenteous cork-crop:
Dare we hope oak galls, I doubt:
What's the Latin name for
What's the Greek name for Swine's
Whew! We'll have our platter
Laid with care on our own shelf!
With a fire-new spoon we're
And a goblet for ourself,
Rinsed like something sacrificial
Ere 'tis fit to touch our chaps—
Marked with L. for our initial!
(He, he! There his lily snaps!)
Saint, forsooth! While brown
Squats outside the Convent bank,
With Sanchicha, telling stories,
Steeping tresses in the tank,
Blue-black, lustrous, thick like
—Can't I see his dead eye glow
Bright, as 'twere a Barbary
(That is, if he'd let it show!)
When he finishes refection,
Knife and fork he never lays
Cross-wise, to my recollection,
As do I, in Jesu's praise.
I, the Trinity illustrate,
Drinking watered orange-pulp—
In three sips the Arian
While he drains his at one gulp!
Oh, those melons! If he's able,
We're to have a feast; so nice!
One goes to the Abbot's table,
All of us get each a slice.
How go on your flowers? None
Not one fruit-sort can you spy?
Strange!—And I, too, at such
Keep 'em close-nipped on the sly!
There's a great text in
Once you trip on it, entails
Twenty-nine distinct damnations,
One sure, if another fails.
If I trip him just a-dying,
Sure of heaven as sure can be,
Spin him round and send him
Off to hell, a Manichee?
Or, my scrofulous French novel,
On gray paper with blunt type!
Simply glance at it, you grovel
Hand and foot in Belial's gripe:
If I double down its pages
At the woeful sixteenth print,
When he gathers his green-gages,
Ope a sieve and slip it in't?
Or, there's Satan!—one might
Pledge one's soul to him, yet
Such a flaw in the indenture
As he'd miss till, past retrieve,
Blasted lay that rose-acacia
We're so proud of! Hy, Zy, Hine...
'St, there's vespers! Plena
Ave, Virgo! Gr-r-r—you swine!
SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1863.
AS we go to press the public mind
is intensely anxious about
Charleston. A dispatch from rebel sources
mentions that our troops landed in force, on 2d, on Seabrook's plantation, on
John's Island. Letters from our own people allude to the advance of at least one
of our regiments to within nine miles of Charleston. And the Navy Department
allows it to be known that
Admiral Dupont expected to attack the water
defenses of the place about 6th inst. From these various scraps of intelligence
the public infer that Charleston has been or is being attacked, and loyal people
await the result with intense anxiety. The capture of Charleston would strike a
blow at the rebellion as severe as the capture of
New Orleans; while, on the other hand, the
repulse of Hunter and Dupont would considerably discourage the North.
From the elaborate map of
Charleston and its vicinity, which we published a couple of weeks since, it can
readily be discovered that the place has been made very formidable indeed. For
over a year the most skillful engineers in the South have been engaged in
fortifying it. The islands, between which vessels must pass to enter the harbor,
are studded with forts and batteries; and from the best information that could
be obtained, our officers are of opinion that not less than 1000 guns are in
position, commanding the channel, the inlets, and the various roads traversing
James and Sullivan's Islands. Across the mouth of the harbor is stretched a row
of piles or obstructions—which, so long as they remain there, close all access
and egress. Connected with these are numerous torpedoes, and other explosive
machines, the effect of which may be imagined from the fact that one of them
exploding under the Montauk lifted her stern one foot out of water. These
obstructions passed, a hostile fleet would then have to encounter
Fort Sumter—which has not been iron-clad, as
some people foolishly report, or clad with Palmetto logs, of which there are
none to be had—but which has undoubtedly been strengthened very considerably,
and filled with heavy rifled cannon; Fort Moultrie, which is now a most
formidable work, having been entirely rebuilt by General Ripley; a new powerful
work, built in the centre of the harbor by
General Beauregard; and the rebel
iron-clad fleet, including a number of nondescript floating batteries, etc. Such
is the prospect before Admiral Dupont and his fleet.
We know less about the land
defenses than about the works on the sea-board. But it has been pretty
thoroughly ascertained that careful engineering works have been thrown up by
Beauregard on every avenue leading to the city by which an army could approach,
and mounted with guns of large calibre. In and behind these works the rebels
have an army the strength of which it is difficult to conjecture. As, however,
every male between 18 and 45 is in the army, it is probably fair to presume that
at Charleston and Savannah there must be 50,000 rebels under arms, the bulk of
whom could be concentrated within a few hours at any point desired.
It will thus be seen that
Hunter and Admiral Dupont have no holiday task before them. We will not infringe
the rules of the Department by stating what we know of the strength of our
forces in that quarter, or of the ingenious devices which have been contrived
for the purpose of overcoming torpedoes and obstructions, and destroying
floating batteries. It may suffice to say that if the rebels are formidable, so
are their antagonists. If Beauregard's troops will fight with the desperation of
men contending for their homes, our gallant soldiers will, on the other hand,
strain every nerve to punish the detestable city which was the cradle of the
rebellion. Of the relative merits of the contending Generals it is difficult to
Beauregard, who was much praised
at the outbreak of the rebellion, is now held very cheap by the rebel
Government. General Hunter has never had an opportunity of showing what he can
do, but those who know him best are confident he will give a good account of
We can say no more. If the deadly
struggle has begun, then GOD DEFEND THE RIGHT!
WAR AND TRADE.
BEFORE the rebellion broke out,
it was a common saying at the South that the North could not fight the South
because its prosperity was bound up with the free export of Southern staples.
Trade tables were quoted to show that over two-thirds our exports were of
Southern growth, while nine-tenths of our importations were landed at Northern
ports; whence it was inferred that, in default of Southern cotton, tobacco,
rice, sugar, and turpentine, the Northern States would be unable to pay for the
foreign manufactures which they consumed, and would inevitably become bankrupt.
This sort of reasoning was ventilated not only in Southern journals and
speeches, but in Northern papers devoted to the Southern cause, and in such
British pro-slavery organs as the London Times.
We have now before us the returns
of the trade of the first year of war. Sumter was bombarded on 12th April, 1861,
and the war actually commenced on 15th of that month. The fiscal year 1861-'62
commenced on 1st July, 1861, and ended on 30th June, 1862. It was from first to
last a year of war. Yet our foreign commerce during that year shows an aggregate
export of $229,790,280, against an aggregate import of $205,819,823, thus
leaving a balance in favor of the country of $23,970,457. These figures are very
much less than the average for the past ten years. Of Southern products—cotton,
tobacco, rice, and turpentine—we were in the habit, before the war, of sending
to Europe over $200,000,000 worth, and at times the export of these staples very
largely exceeded this sum. In 1851-'52 we exported barely $14,000,000 of all
these articles, and we probably imported an equal amount. It seems, however,
that our consumption of foreign goods has declined with our exports, and that,
in fact, the first year of the war left us at least as well off, so far as
foreign nations are concerned, as any previous year of peace.
The great law of compensation,
which politicians and merchants so constantly neglect, and which none but
thoughtful statisticians understand, led to an increase in our exports of food
which made up for the decrease in our exports of cotton, and simultaneously
reduced our imports by so much as the South was in the habit of consuming.
Southern sympathizers—now known
as Copperheads—predicted in 1860 that in the event of war out gold would all be
drawn from us. Notwithstanding the fact that the bulk of our foreign merchants
have remitted their means in gold or its equivalent—exchange—to Europe, for the
sake of safety, we discover that with the single exception of the abnormal year
1860-'61, the specie export of the year 1861-'62, $36,886,956, was less than
that of any year since 1853-'54. We received from our mines, during that year,
more specie than we sent abroad. The export during the current year will be
heavier, but it will not exceed that of the years 1855, 1859, or 1860, and it
will fall considerably short of that of the year 1857.
In estimating the foreign trade
of the United States care must always be taken not to forget the movement of
stocks. From 1853 to 1857 Federal, State, county, city, and railway stocks
constituted one of our staple exports. Every steamer took out large parcels,
thus swelling the balance of trade in our favor, and helping to pay for the
foreign goods we consumed. After the revulsion of 1857 this foreign demand for
our securities fell off, and the mismanagement and misfortunes of our railways,
assisted by the dishonest conduct of certain Western communities, led to a
pretty general return of American securities from Europe. From 1858 to 1861
every steamer which arrived here came freighted with American stocks. About the
close of the year 1861 the tide changed again, though almost imperceptibly. The
European markets had been denuded of American securities, and a fresh inquiry
for them arose. For the past year the current has flowed eastward. It has at
times been so slight as to defy observation. At other times, as latterly, it has
been very active indeed. At present we are exporting American securities to an
amount which will tell very sensibly on our foreign exchanges.
"THE LEAGUE OF STATES."
THIS is the title of a paper in
Harper's Magazine for January, which has been reprinted in pamphlet form by Mr.
C. B. Richardson. The author is the historian Benson J. Lossing, and it presents
in a clear, concise, and conclusive manner the development of the instinct of
nationality from which the American Confederation, and finally the American
Union, sprang. No man familiar with our history, or closely observant of our
life, but feels that the
Union is merely the word by which
we express the fact of the nation. It was the instinct of nationality that made
the Constitution and the Union. It was not the nation that was made by the
Union. That only gave the inevitable political form to the fact. Nationality is
a sentiment; a feeling; an instinct. It can not be repealed. It can not be
dissolved. If every State in the country should separate from every other the
attraction of cohesion would instantly go to work, and they would all gravitate
back again into one.
Hence the futility of all effort
in the war which aims at any other result than union. In the rebel States the
sentiment of nationality and patriotism is doubtless greatly overborne by party
hatred, and a mania upon the Slavery question. But those at the South who still
hold fast to the country are those from whom the future of the South will
spring. Those in whom the preference for a State or love of slavery has
destroyed the national instinct, are those whom the war will exterminate or
expel. It is the feeling of the mass of the people which will control and decide
this quarrel. If the rebellious faction could be allowed to go without danger to
the nation; there would be a large party which would cry "good riddance." But
that can no more be done than a foot or a hand can be cut off from the body
without maiming it.
It is in view of this fact of
nationality, and of its necessity, that the concluding words of Mr. Lossing's
admirable and instructive pamphlet have such meaning:
"Let us remember that we are a
Nation, not a league of States. Words have deep significance in certain
relations. Let us, in thinking, speaking, and writing of our Government and its
concerns, habitually use the word National instead of Federal. The former
expresses a great truth, and is broad and noble; the latter expresses a
falsehood, and is narrow and ignoble in comparison. The former is calculated to
inspire our children with just, expanded, and patriotic views; the latter, by
its common use, will tend to perpetuate the heretical doctrine of State
sovereignty, give our children false ideas, and make them subservient to
sectional bigotry. Let us habitually say, National Congress, National Capitol,
National Government, National Army and Navy, National Judiciary, etc. Let the
idea of Nationality permeate our whole political system."
FROM A DIARY.
JONES, who has just come from
Washington, smiles when he is asked why Butler is not employed, and answers,
"Halleck." When he is questioned to know why
Fremont failed to get the command
which was so certainly promised him, he smiles again and replies, "Halleck."
When some one inquires of him why
McClellan is out of service, he sweetly smiles
and rejoins, "Halleck."
"Halleck," said Jones at the
club, and in the blandest tones, "is our old Man of the Sea. He is by no means a
large man, but he has got us comfortably between his knees."
"Yes," replied —, "that may be
so, but is not the President Commander-in-Chief?"
"Certainly, but he doesn't want
to have any trouble with General Halleck. He wants things to go smoothly. The
President wanted to appoint Fremont, but General Halleck's dislike of him is
notorious, and he was not appointed."
"But the Secretary of War?"
"Oh; is there a Secretary of War?
When General Mitchell was sent to South Carolina, he considered it an exile. Do
you ask why he was sent there to command the six or seven thousand men in that
department? I answer, 'Halleck.' General Halleck was of opinion that General
Mitchell was abetter astronomer than general. He thought that his Western
services sounded well when read in print, but that they were of small account.
Why was Mitchell recalled? Was he sent for from Alabama to be sent to South
Carolina? I think not. I think that he was destined for another command, and in
Virginia. If you ask me why he didn't get it, I can only answer politely,
'Halleck.' If you ask why any thing military hitches, the answer is, as sweetly
as you can put it, 'Halleck.' I do not speak of Fredericksburg, nor allude to
pontoons. I freely allow that we do not know much, and that we hear more lies
than truths. I know also that we are foolishly impatient; and must always have a
scape-goat. Moreover, I think that few of us do justice to the extreme
difficulty of the President's position. But while I try not to forget all this,
I can not approve a military management which leaves a man like Butler
unemployed; because, if for no other reason, it is precisely what delights every
Copperhead, and, for one, I should be perfectly willing to see General Halleck
and General Butler change places."
There was not a man in the room
who did not agree with Jones.
There has been a good deal of
fluttering and letter-writing since the publication of Lord Lyons's dispatch
announcing that some persons in New York, whom he called "Conservative" leaders,
had been plotting with him, or proposing to plot, for the intervention of
England in our war. The Herald immediately mentioned several prominent persons
as leaders. Upon which some of them hastened to purge themselves of suspicion.
How could they henceforth appeal to Patrick against John Bull if' Patrick knew
they had been trying to persuade John to put his finger into our affairs? With
Mr. Fernando Wood was the first to purge. When — read his
letter he turned to —, and said,
"Well, Fernando disclaims any
part in the plot!"
"Yes; but your tone argues
"Does it? Well, some birds are
too old to allow any salt to be thrown upon their tails."
"What does that mean ?" asked —,
with an inquiring look.
"It means only," replied —, "that
my faith in Mr. Wood's political remarks has long ago taken the benefit of the
statute of limitations."
"Well, but what do you say of
the, Honorable Mr. Belmont's letter?"
"I didn't observe," replied —,
puffing his cigar calmly, "that he denied having conferred with Lord Lyons."
"You know he had just returned
from the Havana, don't you?"
"Yes; and I know that he had just
heard from Rhode Island."
THE meeting of "adopted citizens"
a week or two since was unanimous in its expression of enthusiastic loyalty to
the Government. But why "adopted citizens?" There are but two political classes
of persons in this country, those who are and those who are not citizens. If the
gentlemen (Next Page)