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Page) al Logan's division, were soon charged by the enemy. The charge
was upon the right flank, but the previous disposition of troops frustrated it,
and a sharp engagement of an hour ensued. The enemy were repulsed.
"General Crocker's division
coming up, was disposed to the right, left, and reserve by
General McPherson, and the line immediately
advanced. The rebels, being driven from their position, retreated through the
town toward Jackson. and our troops occupied Raymond. Our loss was 52 killed and
198 wounded. Among the killed was Colonel Richards. Colonel McCook was wounded."
"TELL again," the grandsire
Sitting by the farm-house door,
"Tell again the tale unaltered,
How you rode of yore;
It will quicken the slow beating
Of my pulse once more."
And the bronzed and bearded
Of the wondrous, daring ride,
Through the country of the foeman
In the bright springtide,
Told with homely grace the story
By the old man's side.
"Good twelve thousand were we,
Every man of us was tough
As the wiry, brown-haired
And our hands were rough
As the clothes you wore when
Spun and wove the stuff.
"We had wintered by the river
In the muddy, hutted camps,
Where we had to fight forever
With the twitching cramps
That came prowling round at
Through the fogs and damps.
"But the sunny spring had brought
Round as right as men could be;
Had you been there you had
Each a gnarled oak-tree;
I could eat of leathery bacon
Then enough for three.
"Dashed we through the
By brave Stoneman gayly led,
Each man eager for a square knock
On an F. F.'s head:
How our horses stirred the mud up
In the river's bed!
"Oh! the wild, exciting gallop
Round behind the traitors' lair;
Where a foe was left to wallop
Surely we were there,
Terror through the basements
Of his rising hair.
"Hissed the delicate-handed
Shrill between their rage and
But the dark-eyed, half-bleached
Grinned from ear to ear,
And their sable, gladdened
Never showed a sneer.
"And the brawny bondmen weary,
Stood up once erect and high,
As upon their midnight dreary
Broke a morning sky:
Guess it was the light of freedom
Flashed as we went by.
"The defenseless and the lowly
Tenderly we left unharmed;
God had made their weakness holy
And their safety charmed;
But we pounced, like sudden
On the traitors armed.
"How we thundered down the
To the frightened villages;
How we scouted all the by-ways
Underneath the trees;
How we stung the rebel minions
Like a swarm of bees!
"Over swamps and dusty ridges
Rushed we to the sacred streams,
And the ponderous wooden bridges,
Tracked for iron teams,
Quick as thought went bursting
With their clamps and beams.
"Flamed the well-filled army
Bacon smoked as ne'er before;
Burst the doors of every
Ruined was their store;
Many a rebel missed his rations
For a month and more.
Rumor buzzed along before us,
Threatening death to every man,
And at times its shadow o'er us
Darkened like a ban;
But we rode so swift that
Rumor Hardly kept the van.
Then at dark we camped so wary
Out upon the lonely heights,
With the solemn heavens starry
Holding all our lights;
And the picket's tread was
Through the silent nights.
"Ten long, reckless days of
Swept we through the foeman's
Every keen-eyed, daring ranger
Bearing in his hand
All of life's uncounted value
Lightly as his brand.
"Though the perils gathered
Hour by hour on every hand—
Fiery signals leaping quickly
Onward through the land—
Through a hundred leagues of
foemen Scathless came our band.
"Oh! the memories of battle
Stir me, gran'ther, by your side;
I can hear the fiery rattle
Echo far and wide;
And forever in my dreaming
That wild raid I ride."
SATURDAY, JUNE 13, 1863.
HARPER'S WEEKLY has a circulation
of OVER ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND COPIES, which are scattered over the whole country.
Every number is probably read by eight or ten persons, so that advertisements in
its pages reach the eye of more individuals than advertisements in any other
periodical. It is essentially a home paper, and is found in every country house
whose inmates take an interest in the thrilling events of the day. It is not
destroyed after being read, as daily papers are, but is kept, and in many cases
bound, placed in a library, and referred to from time to time. Advertisers who
wish to bring their business to the notice of the public at large, and
especially of the householding class, can find no medium so suitable for their
purpose as Harper's Weekly.
Advertisements on the last page
of Harper's Weekly ONE DOLLAR per line; inside SEVENTY-FIVE CENTS per line. The
space allotted to advertisements is limited, and an early application is
advisable to secure a place.
Mr. Vallandigham is
comfortable among people of his own way of thinking down South, we presume that
the noble army of would-be martyrs will undergo a diminution. It is still
asserted, we perceive, by Vallandigham's friends, that the atrocious tyranny of
which he has been the victim will have the effect of making him Governor of
Ohio; and quite a number of aspiring politicians, anxious to be Governors or
Senators, or at least Congressmen, are trying busily to get themselves locked up
or exiled with a view to the honors and profits of martyrdom. We are, however,
not so sure as some of our friends seem to be that the people of Ohio will send
to the Court of Jeff Davis for a successor to Governor Tod. Ohio has nearly
100,000 men in the field who are shedding their blood in a deadly struggle with
rebels who welcome, appreciate, and extol Vallandigham; these citizen-soldiers
and their friends will wait at all events until the war is over before they send
to the enemy's camp for a Governor and Commander-in-Chief. For our part, we
think that Mr. Vallandigham is effectually extinguished. By whatever specious
ingenuity he may have heretofore exculpated himself from charges of disloyalty,
it is patent now that he is a welcome guest among the enemies of his country,
and is eating their salt, and probably sharing their counsels. They may trust
him hereafter; the North never can.
As to the smart talkers and
writers who are aiming at the
Capitol or the White House by way of
Lafayette, we fear their ambition will be disappointed. The price of provisions
is advancing daily, and the Government is already at expense enough for the
support of troops, without undertaking to fatten traitors likewise. It would be
no small gain to many of these New York and New Jersey patriots, who declaim
against the destruction of our liberties, to get their board gratis this summer.
Mr. Lincoln can not afford such luxuries. The peace orators had far better
give up the idea of getting free board and lodging, with eventual contingencies
in the shape of a martyr's reputation, and betake themselves to some honest
When the war is over, the public
will probably be apt to scan rather closely the record which public men made for
themselves while it was raging. At that time, protests against being classed as
a some-time Copperhead will abound. The men who are now noisiest against the
atrocious despotism of Lincoln will then call Heaven to witness that they were
loyal supporters of the Government. For it will then be as odious to have been
false to the country in her hour of greatest peril as it was eighty years ago to
have joined the Tories in the Revolution. Already there are indications that
public sentiment is being formed in this direction. Even among persons not
over-friendly to the Government, "ticket-of-leave" men from Fort Lafayette are
beginning to be shunned. Pretty soon the public will make no great distinction
between a rascal who was sent to State's Prison for burglary and a traitor who
was sent to Fort Warren for treason. And the stigma will stick. Our children
will be brought up in holy horror of traitors, and the time will come when
innocent creatures, now unborn or mere infants, will be pursued through life
with the bitter and unbearable taunt that, in the dark and dreary days of the
Great Rebellion, their father was a Copperhead!
WHEN the rebels, in a kind of mad
spite, talk of the despotism which prevails at the North—speak of the President
as his "Majesty Abraham First," or "King Lincoln"—and congratulate themselves
upon being relieved from the contamination of Northern society, the dull humor
can hardly excite a smile among men who have the earnest work of the war upon
their hands and hearts.
But when papers and orators among
ourselves print and reiterate every thing that can possibly paralyze the spirit
and perplex the activity of loyal men, appealing to the basest prejudices and
the meanest passions, intent only upon a party warfare while the nation is in
deadly peril from armed rebels—insisting that the danger to the country from the
despotism of the Government of the United States is greater than that from the
desperate rebellion of Davis and his associates—and in the same breath declaring
that the proof of that despotism is its interference with free speech; there can
be but one emotion in every loyal mind, and that, a feeling of unutterable
There is always a public common
sense which understands the intention of speeches and articles which are
skillfully prepared to seem to favor what they really attack. That common sense
is perfectly aware that a man who, in this critical period of our history,
steadily depreciates every act and maligns every motive of the Administration,
under pretense of supporting the "Government," is a man who delights in our
defeats and rejoices in rebel successes. The supposition that
Mr. Fernando Wood
is more interested in the maintenance of personal rights than
or that the party known as Copperhead is more unswervingly devoted to the
maintenance of the supreme constitutional authority of the Government than the
President of the United States, is too gross for any one, except a man who
believes that Mr. Rynders really respects the right of free speech.
The people of this country have
invested the authorities with unusual powers for carrying on the war and
restoring the Government. Nobody supposes that summary proceedings may not be
often necessary, and every body knows that in case of any extravagant and
dishonest use of such powers, every officer will be held to the strictest
account. But the spirit and method of public criticism indicate unerringly
whether it is made from real sympathy with the cause of the country or from
secret hostility to it. Does any thoughtful, intelligent, loyal man believe that
the liberties of American citizens are in more danger from the action of the
authorities than from the rebellion? Does such a man truly believe that a
Copperhead convention is more jealous of the national honor, or more earnestly
desirous of a just and permanent peace than those who prefer even to see some
rights temporarily abridged rather than all rights finally destroyed?
WHILE we write, the fate of
Vicksburg is undecided. But whatever that fate may be, the sturdy and splendid
prowess of the Western soldiers who have fought for a month in the very heart of
the rebellion will be one of the most glorious traditions of the war.
They stand beside the river which
is their river. They fight not only for the great and general cause of the
Government and of civil order which inspires all our troops, but they strike for
a palpable, present object, the control of the river, which is the life-current
of their prosperity, which is the natural highway to the sea of ten millions of
free men between the Alleghenies and the Rocky Mountains, the vast, central
basin of the continent, the valley of imperishable empire.
They fight for it with a heroism
proportioned to the grandeur of the stake, with the inspiration of men who know
that justice, law, necessity, national life itself, are on their side. To the
wiles of demagogues and desperate traitors they oppose a glistering front of
silent steel. They know that no treaty with a foreign power can secure to them
the navigation of that river so certainly as its unobstructed control by a
powerful undivided nation from the lakes to the Gulf. They know that to seek
that control by separation from the Eastern and union with the Southern part of
that nation would be to renounce the guarantee of a great sovereign power for
the uncertain alliance of a faction which shows no regard for honorable
engagements, and repudiates the unity of parts as an essential condition of
Throughout the loyal land, and
through our history, the praise of these men rings and shall ring forever. Men
of the West, whether this time Vicksburg falls before your conquering hands, or
whether its fall be yet delayed, remember that every stalwart blow you strike
rivets all true hearts in the land together, and binds yet more closely the
bonds that hold our common country! In the East and the West, from the river to
the sea, all hearts follow you with hopes, and prayers, and pride, and the
children of our children shall bless you!
THE Lounger is glad to hear once
more from his friend the Diarist, who continues to jot down his little daily
I was sitting in Edward's office
the other morning when John came in and announced that the world was a d—d fool;
that it spun round in one place forever; that nothing ever radically changed;
and that when Edward was older he would know that a man was an ass who supposed
there was any social progress or amelioration. It is needless for me to record
that John is a full-blown Copper-head. He continued that he prided himself on
his consistency. He vowed that he had never changed; that he started in life
with certain fixed principles, but that while other people had budged he had
"Yes," said Edward, dryly, "I
have heard of such people before. The Bourbons never changed. They had a fixed
principle. It was to butt their heads against a stone-
wall. And they butted until they
were jelly. Do you present this quality of yours as a subject of admiration? For
you really seem to be pluming yourself upon it."
"I mean," said John, "that I
don't change my views of right and wrong."
"Well, who does?" replied Edward,
"Why, I should rather think you
did," continued John. "for I heard Ebony the other day—think of it!—Ebony, the
Abolitionist—the Abolitionist, by Jupiter!—actually praising you, my dear
Edward. And I was truly sorry for you."
"How does that show any change of
my view of right and wrong?"
"Why, didn't he use to scorch you
because you believed in slavery?"
"I never believed in slavery."
"The devil you didn't."
"No—I thought that it ought to be
let alone, and that it would cure itself. But since the slave-drivers began to
upset the country to save slavery, I am for upsetting slavery to save the
country, and for upsetting it so thoroughly that there shall be nothing left of
it. My view of the right or wrong of slavery is precisely the same. But my view
of the true policy in regard to its treatment has changed. Does that penetrate
your brain my dear John? But, John—?"
"You say that you heard Ebony,
the Abolitionist, praise me?"
"Well, Ebony and I both go in for
Union, and liberty as its security. But the other day I heard Scale, the meanest
of Copperheads, praising you without stint. I have heard you blamed for many
things in other days, and laughed. But, by George, I blushed this time to hear
you praised for doing all you could to help the rebels, under a plea of 'concern
for the Union and Government!' To be praised by a fanatic for liberty, and
decency, and honor, and Union, and human rights, does not trouble me very much.
But to be praised by a fanatic for slavery, indecency, dishonor, and disunion,
that, I think, Master John, would be a little tough. What do you think?"
"I'm not in favor of Slavery."
"I have always been consistent. I
have always said that whenever any body would say how Slavery could be abolished
in a way most beneficial to master and slave, I would consider the proposition."
"Generous man! And, John, I am
not abstractly in favor of theft. I say only that whenever somebody will point
out to me how thieving can be done away with, with a due regard to the rights of
property and of theft, I will consider it maturely. But meanwhile I must be
permitted to promote theft by saying that the Bible recognizes it, for it
expressly speaks of thieves breaking through and stealing. Besides, thieving in
some form has always prevailed, and must therefore be considered Providential,
and society expects thieving and is adjusted to that expectation; and some men
are clearly made to be thieves or they wouldn't be thieves; and what on earth do
you propose to do with the thieves it you abolish theft? Your position and your
reasoning, John, do equal honor to your brains and your heart. You are what
Darwin would call a Copperhead by natural selection."
John smiled vaguely and turned
over the papers.
"I am really very much concerned
about Vicksburg," he said.
"Yes, of course you are, for
there is a chance of Jeff's losing it," answered Edward.
John smiled still more faintly.
"Oh, you are such a horrid
Abolitionist," said he, as he walked out.
REBELS AND COPPERHEADS.
THE Copperheads and the rebels
have an equally sensitive regard and veneration for the Constitution of the
United States. It was a favorite and universal theory of the rebels at the time
of Mr. Lincoln's election that the Constitution did not permit the Government to
save itself. Mr. Russell, in his Diary, mentions by name and initials certain
notorious Copperheads of to-day who were of the same opinion. And the Copperhead
journals, which struggle to show that there is no terrorism at the South, which
magnify our disasters, and nobly sneer at "Sambo," appear day after day without
one single word of hearty abhorrence of the rebellion, but with
painfully-elaborated columns of complaint that the Constitution of the United
States is in imminent danger of destruction by—Davis and his crew? Not at all;
but by the Government.
It is, indeed, marvelous to see
what profound respect for the Constitution the rebels have who are slaughtering
loyal citizens by the thousands to overthrow it, and the Copperheads who are
doing all that men can do to secure the success of the rebellion. Meanwhile, if
the may credit Copperhead or rebel authority, the Government of the United
States, which acts sometimes summarily, and the great mass of the loyal people
who support the Government, are wickedly regardless of the august instrument; so
that, according to these doctors, the only hope of maintaining the authority of
the Constitution and restoring unity lies in Jeff Davis and his men at the
South, and in their friends at the North, like Messrs. Vallandigham and Rynders.
It is not surprising, therefore,
since Copperhead is only the Northside view of a rebel, to find an absolute
likeness in the phrases by which the rebel and Copperhead papers and orators
describe the process of subverting the Constitution in which the Government is
engaged. It is instructive, as showing the identity of spirit which animates
them. By way of illustration. Can any reader tell at sight whether these
criticisms of "the performance at Cincinnati" are taken from rebel or Copperhead
sources? The "new campaign for consolidating all power....and ferociously
stamping down the last murmurs and struggles of those liege subjects who used to
be citizens." "By gradations of infamy he (the President) sits on a kingly
throne and aspires to a regal crown."
It would not be possible to
distinguish. But one is rebel and the other Copperhead, and the reader may see
exactly how much to believe of the professions of veneration for the
Constitution, the Government, or the Union which proceed from either.
LITTLE DISH OF "PEACE."
MR. WALL, of New Jersey, who was
confined in Fort Lafayette a year or two ago, and afterward sent to the United
States Senate to complete to vacant term, lately made a speech in Philadelphia.
The feeling in regard to the orator, who is known (Next