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Robert E. Lee Portrait
THE SONG OF
UP from the ground at break of day,
When the bugle's note is heard,
From the cold, hard ground, where all night we lay,
To rise with
the waking bird. Right
merrily our sabres ring
As we scour along on our steeds
Oh, true and tried are the hearts of those Whom the brave Kilpatrick leads !
Away, away, o'er the plain we go, Away on our steeds so fleet!
Ah, well the foeman's path we know
' By the print of the foeman's feet! So on we ride while our sabres ring
A merrily sounding tune,
By field and river and wooded steep To the halt which comes with noon.
And then in the forest's welcome shade, 'Neath the pine-trees dark and high, We
rest till the burning heat is past From the Southern noonday sky.
Then up and away o'er the rolling
Away on our gallant steeds !
What foe is there whom we would not dare When the brave Kilpatrick leads?
Of Northern steel our good blades are, Our carbines are true of aim;
The Southern traitor hears with dread
The sound of our leader's name.
Oh, wild is the life we troopers live,
But a merrier none may know,
To scour the plain on our gallant steeds
In search of the traitorous foe !
And when on the battle-field we meet,
And loud on the echoing air
The bugles sound, and quick in the sun
Our blades gleam bright and bare,.
Away we go at the one word
With a cheer, at the flying foe,
While the bullets sing, and our scabbards ring,
And the bugles loudly blow !
Oh, long shall the tale of our deeds be told
When this cruel war shall cease,
On winter eves, by the glowing hearth,
When the land shall be blessed with peace And long shall live in the hearts of
Our valiant leader's fame,
And our children lisp with their infant lips The brave Kilpatrick's
SATURDAY. APRIL 1,
PARTIES AT THE SOUTH.
FROM the glimpses opened by
furnished by the rebel journals, and the message of
JEFFERSON DAVIS, it is not
difficult to understand the condition of public sentiment at the South. There is
the original fire eating war party, of which
is the gloomy chief. To this
belong the mass of the women and the aristocracy of the
plantations. The young
men of this party are in the army, and the army is controlled by the
cabal. The adherents
of this party retire before our advance. They desert their town houses for the
interior, grimly hoping that accumulating disaster may drive every body to their
own desperation. Then there is the small party of original Unionists,
of whom Mr. PETTIGRU was a chief. They
have been utterly overpowered, and in the ruder districts remorselessly
slaughtered for their fidelity.
Beside these there are the Unionists of whom Mr.
AIKEN is a representative ;
those whose sympathies are entirely Southern. but who thought secession a
dangerous mistake. Beyond these is the great party of those who acquiesce in the
situation whatever it may be; who submit quietly to the rule of the rebellion,
and with equal passivity to that of the Government.
In addition to these there are the slaves, who are much the largest party of
all. They are the most faithful of the whole population of the Southern States.
Despite their ignorance, and the careful falsehoods of the rebel chiefs, they
know perfectly well that the Yankees are their friends. Notwithstanding the
criminal blunders of Generals
McCLELLAN, a sure instinct keeps the slaves true to us. The best
information for our armies and fleets comes from them. Escaping Union soldiers,
whether in Louisiana, Georgia, Carolina, or Virginia, make straight for the
negro quarters. There they are fed, cheered, and guided. One officer, making his
way through the heart of the rebel region to our lines, traveled two hundred
miles without seeing a white man. He went by night and was passed along to
freedom by friendly
black hands. The slaves have been forced to work upon the
rebel fortifications. They speak freely of it; but they have one answer when
asked what they will do if they are armed by the rebels. They will shoot behind.
The slave masters are not ignorant of this, and therefore they are opposed to
arming them. It is the same knowledge which made
LEE'S Adjutant-General declare that the opinions of the soldier would not
impair his military efficiency, if only discipline were severe enough. In other
words, this wiseacre thinks that a man will fight just as well for his slavery
as his liberty if he is only drilled sufficiently.
In all our meditations upon reconstruction we must constantly remember these
various groups. The fire eaters and those who have been conspicuous in rebellion
will always retain a certain hate of the Union and Government. But they will be
the smallest element of the population, and constantly dwindle by exile as they
have been destroyed by the war. They will be the most dangerous political
allies, because they will constantly compromise any party with which they may
act. The Aiken Unionists and the acquiescers will be disposed to co-operate with
their old political friends at the North. But the true Union men of the South,
HOLT and the Maryland liberals are the noblest representatives, will
accept with all their hearts the new conditions of the country, and become the
active power in the Southern regeneration, as the fire eaters were in the
Southern rebellion. With these must be counted the late slaves, the great
laboring population. They will be enfranchised, we have little doubt, by the
sagacity of the new party in the Southern States as a permanent security against
reaction. When that is done, there will be no more " natural antipathy" to the
African than to the Asian, or to the European. The rebels have discovered that a
colored man is as good as any other if he will only fight for them. We shall
find that he is no worse than others if he will only vote with us.
The work of reconstruction will be done by those who are in earnest, both at the
North and South. And as the vast cloud of ignorance which has overshadowed the
whole South scatters and lifts, and the people there are enabled to see their
country and understand their Government, they will have touched the bottom of
the slough in which slavery and State sovereignty had plunged them.
little effort of the rebel chiefs in Richmond,
in concert with their sympathizing organs in New York, to make it appear that
is averse to peace, is amusing and natural,
but not successful.
and the Copperheads know perfectly well that under no circumstances will the
Government of the United States treat with any agent of the rebels, civil or
military, as the representative of a nation or of a legitimate separate
or any rebel soldier or civilian,
has made up his mind that the rebellion is a failure, he can have peace by
submitting to the authority of his lawful Government. There has never been any
and there never will be. If
should write to
that he wishes to
cease his resistance to the laws, and acknowledge
the national authority, General
once accept his surrender. But when
a letter, as he did on the 2d of March, speaking
of arrangements and negotiations, General GRANT
properly replies that he is a soldier, and that his business is suppression of
the rebellion by force of arms.
and his New York friends lose their pains. The case is clear. The "negotiation"
policy has been fully exposed. It was the attempt of
to get a little breathing timeto
gain the chance of saying that the Government
were resolved upon reducing him and his fellow citizens of " the Confederacy" to
and to give his Northern abettors the opportunity
of denouncing the Government as bar-ring the door to peace. Oh no ! The Government
holds it wide open with both hands. Submit to the authority of the laws, it
says, and you shall have peace. Until you do submit you will feel war.
DAVIS ASKS TO BE DICTATOR.
the doomed city of Richmond JEFFERSON DAVIS
still plays his ghastly part. He has sent another message to the remains of the
rebel Congress. He says in it that " our country is in danger,"
and that the " capital is in greater danger
than it has been at any time during the war." He then proceeds to ask the
Congress to complete
by law the military despotism over which he presides.
We must have money, he says. The army must be paid. It should be paid in coin.
The proper officers report that two millions of dollars in coin will supply the
army for the remainder of the year. Pass a law to make the coin available. Let
me seize the gold for the army.
The impressment law, he continues, is tedious
and uncertain in its operation. Sometimes owners
of property refuse to part with it. Let the supplies be estimated at their value
in coin. Give the obligation of the Government to pay in coin when it can. Then
pass a law to let me impress provisions for the army.
Congress, he adds, has done very foolishly in not increasing taxation. It has
also been very dilatory in passing the act to raise negro troops. Besides this "
a law of a few lines repealing all class exemptions" would enable me to put
every man into the field, and to have the papers edited by my tools and all the
civil service performed by my own creatures.
We need a new militia law, says
DAVIS, which shall override that of the States. One Governor informs me
that he has not the power to call out
the militia in one county for service in another. Such State rights are folly.
I wish also, he continues, to have the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus suspended. If this is ever to be done, now is the time.
Suspend it at once. He concludes by saying that
General ORD told
LONGSTREET that there might be a chance of settling " the present unhappy
difficulties" by an informal conference between General
GRANT and General
LEE ; but when on the 2d of March General
LEE proposed such a conference, General
GRANT replied that he had no authority to act. It remains only then, says
DAVIS, to commend our sacred cause to God and our own valor. Pass the
laws I recommend; then go home and encourage the people.
That the rebel Congress would put all the available money and food of their
section at the disposition of
JEFFERSON DAVIS that they would allow him the absolute control of every
person, either to put into the army or into prison at his pleasure and thus by
law make him what he asks to be, absolute Dictator, was hardly to be expected.
They have declined to do any thing he asks, and have gone home.
His message will be an authorized cry of despair to his foreign supporters. How
JOHN SLIDELL will chuckle that, while
DAVIS has had all the bitterness and anxiety and struggle, he has
performed his part of the rebellion in Paris, comfortably ensconced in airy
apartments, tranquilly trundling on pleasant afternoons in the
Bois de Boulogne, gambling all night in the finest society, with his
money quite secure from his friend
DAVIS'S tax gatherers, and his precious person safe from a very doubtful
habeas corpus. History will concede
SLIDELL was the shrewdest
rebel of them all.
A NEW YORKER
contemplates his city with complacency. He moves among the busy streets down
town, passes up Broadway, and looks with pride upon the long ranges of stately
houses radiating from Madison Square. It is a very beautiful city, he says to
himself, with satisfaction ; and if the population is not so large as that of
some European cities, it is at least nearly a million of people, who are
That is certainly a just inference from the parts of the city of which we have
spoken. But if the complacent observer will hear a few facts about the parts and
people of the city that he has not seen in Wall Street, Broadway, or the Fifth
Avenue, he will walk a little less proudly and speak more humbly.
Of this population, then, 78,000 live in damp, dark, dreary cellars, often under
water, close to the most loathsome sinks, overcrowded, and reeking with filth
and mortal disease. There is never sound health in them, and the constant
sickness rate ranges from 75 to 90 per cent.
Of this population 500,000 live in tenant houses. These buildings are of two
classes front and rear. Between them is the well hole, as it is called, in which
are the sinks and cesspools, from which the disgusting odor constantly
penetrates every recess of the buildings with sickness and death. Every hideous
form of misery and vice, hunger, murder, lust, and despair, are found in every
corner. There is nothing that makes human nature repulsive or human life
intolerable that does not abound in these tenant houses.
It has been estimated by careful investigators that 17 in 1000 persons die
annually from inevitable causes. This may be taken as the necessary death rate
under the most favorable conditions of life. But the City Inspector's records in
the city of New York show that for the 11 years preceding 1860, excepting 1854,
the year of the cholera, the death rate was never below 28 in 1000 the average
was 33 in 1000, or nearly twice the necessary rate; and twice it exceeded 40 in
1000. So if we take the lowest rate, that of 28 in 1000, New York annually lost
by preventable deaths 11 in 1000 of her population, or more than 7000 yearly,
making for the whole period 77,000 preventable deaths. Nor need we soothe our
consciences with the reflection that we are no worse off than other great cities
for, while during the ten years from 1850 to 1860 inclusive, but excluding 1854,
the average rate of New York was 33 in 1000, that of London was 22, and that of
Philadelphia only 20. Yet year after year the City Inspector of New York
serenely declares that New York is one of the healthiest cities in the world,
and smug New Yorkers take his word for it !
But if we look a little closer we find that the
terrible death rate is in the tenant house region. The Seventeenth Ward
has the natural rate of 17 in 1000, but in the Fourth and Sixth wards it varies
from 36 to 40 in 1000. And upon a still closer glance it appears that, while the
average rate in the Sixth Ward is about 40, the mortality of the large tenant
houses is as high as 60 or 70 in 1000.
" The evidence," says Dr. STEPHEN SMITH, in his remarks before the Joint
Committee of the Senate and Assembly, from which we take these facts, " proves
that at least half a million of its population [the city of New York] are
literally submerged in filth, and half stifled in an atmosphere charged with all
the elements of
death It is a city without
any sanitary government."
It is here that the work of reform must begin. Moral, intellectual, political
progress is impossible until a wise sanitary system is secure. Starving, sick,
vicious, despairing men, who live in noisome dens in which horses would die,
will neither think, act, vote, nor pray rightly. So long as their physical
degradation continues so long their souls will be imbruted. While half of the
population of the city live in filth and breathe poison so long the taxes will
steadily increase so long the city will continue to be undermined with ferocious
passions that endanger its peace and prosperity, so long the politics of the
State will be a contest between the ignorance and vice of the city and the
intelligence and well being of the country ; and so long every infamous public
crime, whether it be slavery, filibustering, riotous resistance to the laws, or
open rebellion, will find its vigorous supporters among the squalid and. vicious
population of this city. Appeals to the passions, ignorance, and prejudice of
this class are the entire political stock in trade of men like FERNANDO WOOD.
Purify the stews of New York, and you annihilate such public enemies as he.
The labor of any citizens' association, addressed directly to political reform
in this city, is lost before it begins. Lay the axe at the root. Spend your
money to make it penal to live underground. Begin by giving every body a chance
at fresh air. Liverpool in 1847 had a cellar population of 20,000, and a special
ordinance, which forbade living
below the street, lifted the
great mass into better houses and reduced the mortality of the city.
Compel the landlords of the tenant houses to keep them in good repair, to
ventilate them thoroughly, to fill them with pure water, to purify the sinks, to
remove garbage, and enforce cleanliness among the tenants. When once we have
given these poor people a chance of life they will wish to live decently. As
their physical condition improves all other improvement becomes possible. But
one thing is certain, so long as filth and disease
and a death rate of 60 or 70 in 1000 are the portion of half of the
population, so long corruption and imbecility will be our governors.
DAVIS AND LEE.
JEFFERSON DAVIS is evidently no longer the chief personage in the rebellion. As
President and constitutional Commander-in-Chief he has the superiority of
position, but among rebels whose sole hope is the army, the actual Commander,
when beloved and trusted as LEE is, is the true master. Doubtless at a word of
LEE'S DAVIS would fall from power unpitied, and LEE be saluted absolute Dictator
with universal con. sent and enthusiasm.
The reason is plain. JEFFERSON DAVIS is an old politician, and a cold, hard,
ambitious man. His position has excited envy and ancient dislikes, and with the
evident failure of the rebellion which he has conducted, all opposition becomes
mingled hatred and contempt. No new
man in his place but must have aroused immense hostility, while an old
political leader brought with him the grudges of a lifetime to add to those he
daily kindled. Nor is there any thing in DAVIS'S character or manner to relieve,
in failure, the jealousy, suspicion, and antipathy which, even if successful, he
could not have escaped.
The sunshine of success would have gilded the defects of DAVIS. But in the dark
hour of so prolonged and terrible a struggle as this has been when the earlier
lights of victory are going out in utter gloom when the larger part of their
territory is occupied and paralyzed, and the general apathy and despair of the
population foretell their certain failure the rebels who still hold out
naturally cling with entire devotion to a soldier who has shared all the
personal dangers of their enterprise, who had no political antecedents, who was
the object of no old prejudices, jealousies, or quarrels whatever, and who seems
to them at once a great captain, and a mild, unselfish, patriotic gentleman. All
the faults of detail in administration, all the minor misfortunes and the
general disaster, are mercilessly thrown upon the civil and executive head of
affairs ; while all that might have been is fondly associated with the popular
favorite and military hero. That his heart was not at first with the rebellion;
that he is not a great captain; that he has shown no signal ability, are
considerations of no moment in presence of his apparent modesty and fidelity.
The rebels respect themselves in him. While he remains all is not lost. The very
doubt whether they could persuade him to seize supreme power is probably to
their minds his brightest ornament.
Indeed, while DAVIS is to the rebels very
much what JAMES SECOND was to the Jacobites in England, LEE has all the
chivalric charm of Prince CHARLES THE PRETENDER. The romantic devotion which few
royalists could feel to the saturnine bigot they could cherish with enthusiasm
for the graceful gentleman with no past and alas ! for them with no future. Thus
the fiery TOOMBS, whose guilt in this great crime is black, has a thousand
political jealousies of DAVIS which he could never have " of LEE. (Next