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Stonewall Jackson Free Online Books |
Stonewall Jackson in Civil War |
Stonewall Jackson Biography |
Stonewall Jackson Obituary |
Stonewall Jackson's Last Words |
Stonewall Jackson Birthday |
Stonewall Jackson Quotes
STONEWALL JACKSON Chapter III Lexington1
Stonewall Jackson Index |
Stonewall Jackson at West Point |
Stonewall Jackson and Mexican War |
Stonewall Jackson Lexington |
Stonewall Jackson and Secession |
Stonewall Jackson and Harper's Ferry |
Stonewall Jackson at Battle of Bull Run |
Stonewall Jackson at Romney |
Stonewall Jackson at Kernstown |
Battle of McDowell |
Battle of Winchester |
Battle of Cross Keys and Port Republic |
Stonewall Jackson's Valley Campaign |
The Seven Days Battle |
Battle of Frayser's Farm and Malvern Hill |
Battle of Cedar Run |
Second Battle of Bull Run |
Battle of Second Bull Run Conclusion |
Battle of Harper's Ferry |
Battle of Sharpsburg |
Battle of Fredericksburg |
The Army of Northern Virginia |
Stonewall Jackson's Winter Quarters |
Battle of Chancellorsville |
Battle of Chancellorsville Conclusion 
1848 Of Jackson’s life at Fort Hamilton there is little to
tell. His friend and mentor, Colonel
Taylor,
was in command. The chaplain, once an officer of dragoons, was a man
of persuasive eloquence and earnest zeal; and surrounded by
influences which had now become congenial, the young major of
artillery pursued the religious studies he had begun in
Mexico. There was some doubt whether
he had been baptised as a child. He was anxious that no uncertainty
should exist as to his adhesion to Christianity, but he was
unwilling that the sacrament should bind him to any particular sect.
1849 On the understanding that no surrender of judgment
would be involved, he was baptised and received his first communion
in the Episcopal Church. Two years
passed without incident, and then Jackson was transferred to
Florida. In his new
quarters his stay was brief.
1851 In March 1851 he was appointed Professor of Artillery
Tactics and Natural Philosophy at the Virginia Military Institute.
His success, for such he deemed it, was due to his own merit. One of
his Mexican comrades, Major D. H. Hill, afterwards his
brother-in-law, was a professor in a neighbouring institution,
Washington College, and had been consulted by the Superintendent of
the Institute as to the filling of the vacant chair.
Hill remembered what had been said of Jackson at West Point: “If the
course had been one year longer he would have graduated at the head
of his class.” This voluntary testimonial of his brother cadets had
not passed LEXINGTON 56
unheeded. It had weight, as the best evidence of his thoroughness
and application, with the Board of Visitors, and Jackson was
unanimously elected. The Military
Institute, founded twelve years previously on the model of West
Point, was attended by several hundred youths from Virginia and
other Southern States. At Lexington, in the county of Rockbridge, a
hundred miles west of Richmond, stand the castellated buildings and
the wide parade ground which formed the nursery of so many
Confederate soldiers.
To the east rise the lofty masses of the Blue Ridge. To the north
successive ranges of rolling hills, green with copse and woodland,
fall gently to the lower levels; and stretching far away at their
feet, watered by that lovely river which the Indians in melodious
syllables called Shenandoah, “bright daughter of the Stars,” the
great Valley of Virginia,
Deep-meadowed, happy, fair with orchard lawns And bowery hollows,
lies embosomed within its mountain walls. Of all its pleasant market
towns, Lexington is not the least attractive; and in this pastoral
region, where the great forests stand round about the corn-fields,
and the breezes blow untainted from the uplands, had been built the
College which Washington, greatest of Virginians and greatest of
American soldiers, had endowed. Under the shadow of its towers the
State had found an appropriate site for her military school.
The cadets of the Institute, although they wore a uniform, were
taught by officers of the regular army, were disciplined as
soldiers, and spent some months of their course in camp, were not
destined for a military career. All aspirants for commissions in the
United States army had to pass through West Point; and the training
of the State colleges—for Virginia was not solitary in the
possession of such an institution—however much it may have benefited
both the minds and bodies of the rising generation, was of immediate
value only to those who became officers of the State militia. Still
in all essential respects the Military Institute was
WHY STONEWALL JACKSON LEFT THE ARMY 57
little behind West Point. The discipline was as strict, the drill
but little less precise. The cadets had their own officers and their
own sergeants, and the whole establishment was administered on a
military footing. No pains were spared either by the State or the
faculty to maintain the peculiar character of the school; and the
little battalion, although the members were hardly likely to see
service, was as carefully trained as if each private in the ranks
might one day become a general officer. It was fortunate indeed for
Virginia, when she submitted her destinies to the arbitrament of
war, that some amongst her statesmen had been firm to the conviction
that to defend one’s country is a task not a whit less honourable
than to serve her in the ways of peace. She was unable to avert
defeat. But she more than redeemed her honour; and the efficiency of
her troops was in no small degree due to the training so many of her
officers had received at the Military Institute.
Still, notwithstanding its practical use to the State, the offer of
a chair at Lexington would probably have attracted but few of
Jackson’s contemporaries. But while campaigning was entirely to his
taste, life in barracks was the reverse. In those unenlightened days
to be known as an able and zealous soldier was no passport to
preferment. So long as an officer escaped censure his promotion was
sure; he might reach without further effort the highest prizes the
service offered, and the chances of the dull and indolent were quite
as good as those of the capable and energetic. The one had no need
for, the other no incentive to, self-improvement, and it was very
generally neglected. Unless war intervened—and nothing seemed more
improbable than another campaign—even a Napoleon would have had to
submit to the inevitable. Jackson caught eagerly at the opportunity
of freeing himself from an unprofitable groove.
“He believed,” he said, “that a man who had turned, with a good
military reputation, to pursuits of a semi-civilian character, and
had vigorously prosecuted his mental improvement, would have more
chance of success WHY STONEWALL
JACKSON LEFT THE ARMY 58
in war than those who had remained in the treadmill of the
garrison.” It was with a view,
then, of fitting himself for command that Jackson broke away from
the restraints of regimental life; not because those restraints were
burdensome or distasteful in themselves, but because he felt that
whilst making the machine they might destroy the man. Those
responsible for the efficiency of the United States army had not yet
learned that the mind must be trained as well as the body, that
drill is not the beginning and the end of the soldier’s education,
that unless an officer is trusted with responsibility in peace he is
but too apt to lose all power of initiative in war. That Jackson’s
ideas were sound may be inferred from the fact that many of the most
distinguished generals in the Civil War were men whose previous
career had been analogous to his own.1
His duties at Lexington were peculiar. As Professor of Artillery he
was responsible for little more than the drill of the cadets and
their instruction in the theory of gunnery. The tactics of
artillery, as the word is understood in Europe, he was not called
upon to impart. Optics, mechanics, and astronomy were his special
subjects, and he seems strangely out of place in expounding their
dry formulas. In the well-stocked
library of the Institute he found every opportunity of increasing
his professional knowledge. He was an untiring reader, and he read
to learn. The wars of Napoleon were his constant study. He was an
enthusiastic admirer of his genius; the swiftness, the daring, and
the energy of his movements appealed to his every instinct.
Unfortunately, both for the Institute and his popularity, it was not
his business to lecture on military history. We can well imagine
him, as a teacher of the art of war, describing to the
impressionable youths around
1 Amongst these may be mentioned
Grant,
Sherman,
and McClellan. Lee himself, as an engineer, had but small
acquaintance with regimental life. The men who saved India for
England in the Great mutiny were of the same type.
THE PROFESSOR 59
him the dramatic incidents of some famous campaign, following step
by step the skilful strategy that brought about such victories as
Austerlitz and Jena. The advantage would then have been with his
pupils; in the work assigned to him it was the teacher that
benefited. He was by no means successful as an instructor of the
higher mathematics. Although the theories of light and motion were
doubtless a branch of learning which the cadets particularly
detested, his methods of teaching made it even more repellent. A
thorough master of his subject, he lacked altogether the power of
aiding others to master it. No flashes of humour relieved the tedium
of his long and closely-reasoned demonstrations. He never descended
to the level of his pupils’ understanding, nor did he appreciate
their difficulties. Facts presented themselves to his intellect in
few lights. As one of his chief characteristics as a commander was
the clearness with which he perceived the end to be aimed at and the
shortest way of reaching it, so, in his explanations to his
stumbling class, he could only repeat the process by which he
himself had solved the problem at issue. We may well believe that
his self-reliant nature, trained to intense application, overlooked
the fact that others, weaker and less gifted, could not surmount
unaided the obstacles which only aroused his own masterful
instincts. Nevertheless, his conscientious industry was not entirely
thrown away. To the brighter intellects in his class he communicated
accurate scholarship; and although the majority lagged far behind,
the thoroughness of his mental drill was most useful, to himself
perhaps even more than to the cadets.
1854–57 The death of his first wife, daughter of the
reverend Dr. Junkin, President of Washington College, after they had
been married but fourteen months, the solution of his religious
difficulties, and his reception into the Presbyterian Church; a five
months’ tour in Europe, through Scotland, England, Germany,
Switzerland, and Italy; his marriage to Miss Morrison, daughter of a
North Carolina clergyman: such were the chief landmarks of his life
at Lexington. Ten years, THE
PROFESSOR 60
with their burden of joy and sorrow, passed away, of intense
interest to the individual, but to the world a story dull and
commonplace. Jackson was by no means a man of mark in Rockbridge
county. Although his early shyness had somewhat worn off, he was
still as reserved as he had been at West Point. His confidence was
rarely given outside his own home. Intimates he had few, either at
the Institute or elsewhere. Still he was not in the least
unsociable, and there were many houses where he was always welcome.
The academic atmosphere of Lexington did not preclude a certain
amount of gaiety. The presence of Washington College and the
Military Institute drew together a large number of families during
the summer, and fair visitors thronged the leafy avenues of the
little town. During these pleasant months the officers and cadets,
as became their cloth, were always well to the fore. Recreation was
the order of the day, and a round of entertainments enlivened the
“Commencements.” Major Jackson attended these gatherings with
unfailing regularity, but soon after his arrival he drew the line at
dancing, and musical parties became the limit of his dissipation. He
was anything but a convivial companion. He never smoked, he was a
strict teetotaller, and he never touched a card. His diet, for
reasons of health, was of a most sparing kind; nothing could tempt
him to partake of food between his regular hours, and for many years
he abstained from both tea and coffee. In those peaceful times,
moreover, there was nothing either commanding or captivating about
the Professor of Artillery. His little romance in Mexico had given
him no taste for trivial pleasures; and his somewhat formal manner
was not redeemed by any special charm of feature. The brow and jaw
were undoubtedly powerful; but the eyes were gentle, and the voice
so mild and soft as to belie altogether the set determination of the
thin straight lips. Yet, at the same time, if Jackson was not formed
for general society, he was none the less capable of making himself
exceedingly agreeable in a restricted and congenial circle. Young
and old, when once they had gained his confidence, came under
STONEWALL JACKSON'S RELIGION 61
the spell of his noble nature; and if his friends were few they were
very firm. Why Jackson should have
preferred the Presbyterian denomination to all others we are nowhere
told. But whatever his reasons may have been, he was a most zealous
and hardworking member of his church. He was not content with
perfunctory attendances at the services. He became a deacon, and a
large portion of his leisure time was devoted to the work which thus
devolved on him. His duties were to collect alms and to distribute
to the destitute, and nothing was permitted to interfere with their
exact performance. He was exceedingly charitable himself—one tenth
of his income was laid aside for the church, and he gave freely to
all causes of benevolence and public enterprise. At the church
meetings, whether for business or prayer, he was a regular
attendant, and between himself and his pastor existed the most
confidential relations. Nor did he consider that this was all that
was demanded of him. In Lexington, as in other Southern towns, there
were many poor negroes, and the condition of these ignorant and
helpless creatures, especially of the children, excited his
compassion. Out of his own means he established a Sunday school, in
which he and his wife were the principal teachers. His friends were
asked to send their slaves, and the experiment was successful. The
benches were always crowded, and the rows of black, bright-eyed
faces were a source of as much pride to him as the martial
appearance of the cadet battalion.
Jackson’s religion entered into every action of his life. No duty,
however trivial, was begun without asking a blessing, or ended
without returning thanks. “He had long cultivated,” he said, “the
habit of connecting the most trivial and customary acts of life with
a silent prayer.” He took the Bible as his guide, and it is possible
that his literal interpretation of its precepts caused many to
regard him as a fanatic. His observance of the Sabbath was hardly in
accordance with ordinary usage. He never read a letter on that day,
nor posted one; he believed that the Government in carrying the
mails were violating a divine
Stonewall Jackson's LOVE OF TRUTH 62
law, and he considered the suppression of such traffic one of the
most important duties of the legislature. Such opinions were
uncommon, even amongst the Presbyterians, and his rigid respect for
truth served to strengthen the impression that he was morbidly
scrupulous. If he unintentionally made a misstatement—even about
some trifling matter—as soon as he discovered his mistake he would
lose no time and spare no trouble in hastening to correct it. “Why,
in the name of reason,” he was asked, “do you walk a mile in the
rain for a perfectly unimportant thing?” “Simply because I have
discovered that it was a misstatement, and I could not sleep
comfortably unless I put it right.”
He had occasion to censure a cadet who had given, as Jackson
believed, the wrong solution of a problem. On thinking the matter
over at home he found that the pupil was right and the teacher
wrong. It was late at night and in the depth of winter, but he
immediately started off to the Institute, some distance from his
quarters, and sent for the cadet. The delinquent, answering with
much trepidation the untimely summons, found himself to his
astonishment the recipient of a frank apology. Jackson’s scruples
carried him even further. Persons who interlarded their conversation
with the unmeaning phrase “you know” were often astonished by the
blunt interruption that he did not know; and when he was
entreated at parties or receptions to break through his dietary
rules, and for courtesy’s sake to accept some delicacy, he would
always refuse with the reply that he had “no genius for seeming.”
But if he carried his conscientiousness to extremes, if he laid down
stringent rules for his own governance, he neither set himself up
for a model nor did he attempt to force his convictions upon others.
He was always tolerant; he knew his own faults, and his own
temptations, and if he could say nothing good of a man he would not
speak of him at all. But he was by no means disposed to overlook
conduct of which he disapproved, and undue leniency was a weakness
to which he never yielded. If he once lost confidence or discovered
deception on the Stonewall
Jackson's LOVE OF TRUTH 63
part of one he trusted, he withdrew himself as far as possible from
any further dealings with him; and whether with the cadets, or with
his brother-officers, if an offence had been committed of which he
was called upon to take notice, he was absolutely inflexible.
Punishment or report inevitably followed. No excuses, no personal
feelings, no appeals to the suffering which might be brought upon
the innocent, were permitted to interfere with the execution of his
duty. Such were the chief
characteristics of the great Confederate as he appeared to the
little world of Lexington. The tall figure, clad in the blue uniform
of the United States army, always scrupulously neat, striding to and
from the Institute, or standing in the centre of the parade-ground,
while the cadet battalion wheeled and deployed at his command, was
familiar to the whole community. But Jackson’s heart was not worn on
his sleeve. Shy and silent as he was, the knowledge that even his
closest acquaintances had of him was hardly more than superficial. A
man who was always chary of expressing his opinions, unless they
were asked for, who declined argument, and used as few words as
possible, attracted but little notice. A few recognised his clear
good sense; the majority considered that if he said little it was
because he had nothing worth saying. Because he went his own way and
lived by his own rules he was considered eccentric; because he was
sometimes absent-minded, and apt to become absorbed in his own
thoughts, he was set down as unpractical; his literal accuracy of
statement was construed as the mark of a narrow intellect, and his
exceeding modesty served to keep him in the background.
At the Institute, despite his reputation for courage, he was no
favourite even with the cadets. He was hardly in sympathy with them.
His temper was always equable. Whatever he may have felt he never
betrayed irritation, and in the lecture-room or elsewhere he was
kindness itself; but his own life had been filled from boyhood with
earnest purpose and high ambition. Hard work was more to his taste
than amusement. Time, to his mind, was far
Stonewall Jackson's REAL NATURE 64
too valuable to be wasted, and he made few allowances for the
thoughtlessness and indolence of irresponsible youth. As a relief
possibly to the educational treadmill, his class delighted in
listening to the story of
Contreras and
Chapultepec; but there was nothing about Jackson which
corresponded with a boy’s idea of a hero. His aggressive
punctuality, his strict observance of military etiquette, his
precise interpretation of orders, seemed to have as little in common
with the fierce excitement of battle as the uninteresting
occupations of the Presbyterian deacon, who kept a Sunday school for
negroes, had with the reckless gaiety of the traditional sabreur.
“And yet,” says one who know him, “they imbibed the principles he
taught. Slowly and certainly were they trained in the direction
which the teacher wished. Jackson justly believed that the chief
value of the Institute consisted in the habits of system and
obedience which it impressed on the ductile characters of the
cadets, and regarded any relaxation of the rules as tending to
destroy its usefulness. His conscientiousness seemed absurd to the
young gentlemen who had no idea of the importance of military orders
or of the implicit obedience which a good soldier deems it his duty
to pay to them. But which was right—the laughing young cadet or the
grave major of artillery? Let the thousands who in the bitter and
arduous struggle of the Civil War were taught by stern experience
the necessity of strict compliance with all orders, to the very
letter, answer the question.”1
“As exact as the multiplication table, and as full of things
military as an arsenal,” was the verdict passed on Jackson by one of
his townsmen, and it appears to have been the opinion of the
community at large. Jackson,
indeed, was as inarticulate as Cromwell. Like the great Protector he
“lived silent,” and like him he was often misunderstood. Stories
which have been repeated by writer after writer attribute to him the
most grotesque eccentricities of manner, and exhibit his lofty piety
as the harsh intolerance of a fanatic. He has been
1 Cooke, p. 28. Stonewall
Jackson's REAL NATURE 65
represented as the narrowest of Calvinists; and so general was the
belief in his stern and merciless nature that a great poet did not
scruple to link his name with a deed which, had it actually
occurred, would have been one of almost unexampled cruelty. Such
calumnies as Whittier’s “Barbara Frichtie” may possibly have found
their source in the impression made upon some of Jackson’s
acquaintances at Lexington, who, out of all sympathy with his high
ideal of life and duty, regarded him as morose and morbid; and when
in after years the fierce and relentless pursuit of the Confederate
general piled the dead high upon the battle-field, this conception
of his character was readily accepted. As he rose to fame, men
listened greedily to those who could speak of him from personal
knowledge; the anecdotes which they related were quickly distorted;
the slightest peculiarities of walk, speech, or gesture were greatly
exaggerated; and even Virginians seemed to vie with one another in
representing the humble and kind-hearted soldier as the most bigoted
of Christians and the most pitiless of men.
But just as the majority of ridiculous stories which cluster round
his name rest on the very flimsiest foundation, so the popular
conception of his character during his life at Lexington was
absolutely erroneous. It was only within the portals of his home
that his real nature disclosed itself. The simple and pathetic pages
in which his widow has recorded the story of their married life
unfold an almost ideal picture of domestic happiness, unchequered by
the faintest glimpse of austerity or gloom. That quiet home was the
abode of much content; the sunshine of sweet temper flooded every
nook and corner; and although the pervading atmosphere was
essentially religious, mirth and laughter were familiar guests.
“Those who knew General Jackson only as they saw him in public would
have found it hard to believe that there could be such a
transformation as he exhibited in his domestic life. He luxuriated
in the freedom and liberty of his home, and his buoyancy and
joyousness often ran into a playfulness and abandon that would have
been Stonewall Jackson's
NATURE 66
incredible to those who saw him only when he put on his official
dignity.”1 It was seldom, indeed, except under his own
roof, or in the company of his intimates, that his reserve was
broken through; in society he was always on his guard, fearful lest
any chance word might be misconstrued or give offence. It is no
wonder, then, that Lexington misjudged him. Nor were those who knew
him only when he was absorbed in the cares of command before the
enemy likely to see far below the surface. The dominant trait in
Jackson’s character was his intense earnestness, and when work was
doing, every faculty of his nature was engrossed in the
accomplishment of the task on hand. But precise, methodical, and
matter-of-fact as he appeared, his was no commonplace and prosaic
nature. He had “the delicacy and the tenderness which are the rarest
and most beautiful ornament of the strong.”2 Beneath his
habitual gravity a vivid imagination, restrained indeed by strong
sense and indulging in no vain visions, was ever at work; and a
lofty enthusiasm, which seldom betrayed itself in words, inspired
his whole being. He was essentially chivalrous. His deference to
woman, even in a land where such deference was still the fashion,
was remarkable, and his sympathy with the oppressed was as deep as
his loyalty to Virginia. He was an ardent lover of nature. The
autumnal glories of the forest, the songs of the birds, the
splendours of the sunset, were sources of unfailing pleasure. More
than all, the strength of his imagination carried him further than
the confines of the material world, and he saw with unclouded vision
the radiant heights that lie beyond.
Jackson, then, was something more than a man of virile temperament;
he was gifted with other qualities than energy, determination, and
common sense. He was not witty. He had no talent for repartee, and
the most industrious collector of anecdotes will find few good
things attributed to him. But he possessed a kindly humour which
found vent in playful expressions of endearment, or in practical
jokes of the most innocent description; and if these outbursts of
high spirits were confined to the
1 Memoirs of Stonewall Jackson, p. 108. 2
Marion Crawford. Stonewall
Jackson's SERVANTS 67
precincts of his own home, they proved at least that neither by
temperament nor principle was he inclined to look upon the darker
side. His eye for a ludicrous situation was very quick, and a joke
which told against himself always caused him the most intense
amusement. It is impossible to read the letters which Mrs. Jackson
has published and to entertain the belief that his temper was ever
in the least degree morose. To use her own words, “they are the
overflow of a heart full of tenderness;” it is true that they seldom
omit some reference to that higher life which both husband and wife
were striving hand in hand to lead, but they are instinct from first
to last with the serene happiness of a contented mind.
Even more marked than his habitual cheerfulness was his almost
feminine sympathy with the poor and feeble. His servants, as was the
universal rule in Virginia, were his slaves; but his relations with
his black dependents were of almost a paternal character, and his
kindness was repaid by that childlike devotion peculiar to the negro
race. More than one of these servants—so great was his reputation
for kindness—had begged him to buy them from their former owners.
Their interests were his special care; in sickness they received all
the attention and comfort that the house afforded; to his favourite
virtues, politeness and punctuality, they were trained by their
master himself, and their moral education was a task he cheerfully
undertook. “There was one little servant in the family,” says Mrs.
Jackson, “whom my husband took under his sheltering roof at the
solicitations of an aged lady; to whom the child became a care after
having been left an orphan. She was not bright, but he persevered in
drilling her into memorising a child’s catechism, and it was a most
amusing picture to see her standing before him with fixed attention,
as if she were straining every nerve, and reciting her answers with
the drop of a curtsey at each word. She had not been taught to do
this, but it was such an effort for her to learn that she assumed
the motion involuntarily.”
Jackson’s home was childless. A little daughter, born at Lexington,
lived only for a few weeks, and her place
HOME LIFE 68
remained unfilled. His sorrow, although he submitted
uncomplainingly, was very bitter, for his love for children was very
great. “A gentleman,” says Mrs. Jackson, “who spent the night with
us was accompanied by his daughter, but four years of age. It was
the first time the child had been separated from her mother, and my
husband suggested that she should be committed to my care during the
night, but she clung to her father. After our guests had both sunk
in slumber, the father was aroused by someone leaning over his
little girl and drawing the covering more closely round her. It was
only his thoughtful host, who felt anxious lest his little guest
should miss her mother’s guardian care under his roof, and could not
go to sleep himself until he was satisfied that all was well with
the child.” These incidents are
little more than trivial. The attributes they reveal seem of small
import. They are not such as go towards building up a successful
career either in war or politics. And yet to arrive at a true
conception of Jackson’s character it is necessary that such
incidents should be recorded. That character will not appear the
less admirable because its strength and energy were tempered by
softer virtues; and when we remember the great soldier teaching a
negro child, or ministering to the comfort of a sick slave, it
becomes easy to understand the feelings with which his veterans
regarded him. The quiet home at Lexington reveals more of the real
man than the camps and conflicts of the Civil War, and no picture of
Stonewall Jackson would be complete without some reference to his
domestic life. “His life at home,”
says his wife, “was perfectly regular and systematic. He arose about
six o’clock, and first knelt in secret prayer; then he took a cold
bath, which was never omitted even in the coldest days of winter.
This was followed by a brisk walk, in rain or shine.
“Seven o’clock was the hour for family prayers, which he required
all his servants to attend promptly and regularly. He never waited
for anyone, not even his wife. Breakfast followed prayers, after
which he left immediately for the Institute, his classes opening at
eight o’clock and continuing to eleven. Upon his return home at
eleven HOME LIFE 69
o’clock he devoted himself to study until one. The first book he
took up daily was his Bible, which he read with a commentary, and
the many pencil marks upon it showed with what care he bent over its
pages. From his Bible lesson he turned to his text-books. During
those hours of study he would permit no interruption, and stood all
the time in front of a high desk. After dinner he gave himself up
for half an hour or more to leisure and conversation, and this was
one of the brightest periods in his home life. He then went into his
garden, or out to his farm to superintend his servants, and
frequently joined them in manual labour. He would often drive me to
the farm, and find a shady spot for me under the trees, while he
attended to the work of the field. When this was not the case, he
always returned in time to take me, if the weather permitted, for an
evening walk or drive. In summer we often took our drives by
moonlight, and in the beautiful Valley of Virginia the queen of
night seemed to shine with more brightness than elsewhere. When at
home he would indulge himself in a season of rest and recreation
after supper, thinking it was injurious to health to go to work
immediately. As it was a rule with him never to use his eyes by
artificial light, he formed the habit of studying mentally for an
hour or so without a book. After going over his lessons in the
morning, he thus reviewed them at night, and in order to abstract
his thoughts from surrounding objects—a habit which he had
cultivated to a remarkable degree—he would, if alone with his wife,
ask that he might not be disturbed by any conversation; he would
then take his seat with his face to the wall, and remain in perfect
abstraction until he finished his mental task. He was very fond of
being read to, and much of our time in the evening was passed in my
ministering to him in this way. He had a library, which, though
small, was select, composed chiefly of scientific, historical, and
religious books, with some of a lighter character, and some in
Spanish and French. Nearly all of them were full of his pencil
marks, made with a view to future reference.” Next to the Bible,
history, both ancient HOME LIFE 70
and modern, was his favourite study. Plutarch, Josephus, Rollin,
Robertson, Hallam, Macaulay, and Bancroft were his constant
companions. Shakespeare held an honoured place upon his shelves; and
when a novel fell into his hands he became so absorbed in the story
that he eventually avoided such literature as a waste of time. “I am
anxious,” he wrote to a relative, “to devote myself to study until I
shall become master of my profession.”
The Jacksons were far from affluent. The professor had nothing but
his salary, and his wife, one of a large family, brought no increase
to their income. But the traditional hospitality of Virginia was a
virtue by no means neglected. He was generous but unostentatious in
his mode of living, and nothing gave him more pleasure than to bid
his friends welcome to his own home.
His outdoor recreations were healthful but not exciting. The hills
round Lexington teemed with game, the rivers with fish, and shooting
and fishing were the favourite amusements of his colleagues. But
Jackson found no pleasure in rod or gun; and although fond of riding
and a good horseman, he never appears to have joined in any of those
equestrian sports to which the Virginians were much addicted. He
neither followed the hunt nor tilted at the ring. His exercise was
taken after more utilitarian fashion, in the garden or the farm.
It need hardly be said that such a lover of order and method was
strictly economical, and the wise administration of the farm and
household permitted an annual expenditure on travel. Many of the
most beautiful localities and famous cities of the east and north
were visited in these excursions. Sometimes he wandered with his
wife in search of health; more often the object of their journey was
to see with their own eyes the splendid scenery of their native
land. The associations which were ever connected in Jackson’s mind
with his tour through Europe show how intensely he appreciated the
marvels both of nature and of art.
“I would advise you,” he wrote to a friend, “never to name my
European trip to me unless you are blest with a superabundance of
patience, as its very mention is calculated
Stonewall Jackson's FAITH 71
to bring up with it an almost inexhaustible assemblage of grand and
beautiful associations. Passing over the works of the Creator, which
are far the most impressive, it is difficult to conceive of the
influences which even the works of His creatures exercise over the
mind of one who lingers amidst their master productions. Well do I
remember the influence of sculpture upon me during my short stay in
Florence, and how there I began to realise the sentiment of the
Florentine: ‘Take from me my liberty, take what you will, but leave
me my statuary, leave me these entrancing productions of art.’ And
similar to this is the influence of painting.”
But delightful as were these holiday expeditions, the day of
Jackson’s return to Lexington and his duties never came too soon. In
the quiet routine of his home life, in his work at the Institute, in
the supervision of his farm and garden, in his evenings with his
books, and in the services of his church, he was more than
contented. Whatever remained of soldierly ambition had long been
eradicated. Man of action as he essentially was, he evinced no
longing for a wider sphere of intellectual activity or for a more
active existence. Under his own roof-tree he found all that he
desired. “There,” says his wife, “all that was best in his nature
shone forth;” and that temper was surely of the sweetest which could
utter no sterner rebuke than “Ah! that is not the way to be happy!”
Nor was it merely his own gentleness of disposition and the many
graces of his charming helpmate that secured so large a degree of
peace and happiness. Jackson’s religion played even a greater part.
It was not of the kind which is more concerned with the terrors of
hell than the glories of paradise. The world to him was no place of
woe and lamentation, its beauties vanity, and its affections a
snare. As he gazed with delight on the gorgeous tints of the
autumnal forests, and the lovely landscapes of his mountain home, so
he enjoyed to the utmost the life and love which had fallen to his
lot, and thanked God for that capacity for happiness with which his
nature was so largely gifted. Yet it cannot be said that he
practised no self-denial. His life, in many respects, was one of
constant self-discipline, and
Stonewall Jackson's FAITH 72
when his time came to sacrifice himself, he submitted without a
murmur. But in his creed fear had no place. His faith was great. It
was not, however, a mere belief in God’s omnipotence and God’s
justice, but a deep and abiding confidence in His infinite
compassion and infinite love; and it created in him an almost
startling consciousness of the nearness and reality of the invisible
world. In a letter to his wife it is revealed in all its strength:
“You must not be discouraged at the slowness of recovery. Look up to
Him who giveth liberally for faith to be resigned to His divine
will, and trust Him for that measure of health which will most
glorify Him, and advance to the greatest extent your own real
happiness. We are sometimes suffered to be in a state of perplexity
that our faith may be tried and grow stronger. See if you cannot
spend a short time after dark in looking out of your window into
space, and meditating upon heaven, with all its joys unspeakable and
full of glory. . . . ‘All things work together for good’ to God’s
children. Try to look up and be cheerful, and not desponding. Trust
our kind Heavenly Father, and by the eye of faith see that all
things are right and for your best interests. The clouds come, pass
over us, and are followed by bright sunshine; so in God’s moral
dealings with us, He permits to have trouble awhile. But let us,
even in the most trying dispensations of His Providence, be cheered
by the brightness which is a little ahead.”
It would serve no useful purpose to discuss Jackson’s views on
controversial questions. It may be well, however, to correct a
common error. It has been asserted that he was a fatalist, and
therefore careless of a future over which he believed he had no
control. Not a word, however, either in his letters or in his
recorded conversations warrants the assumption. It is true that his
favourite maxim was “Duty is ours, consequences are God’s,” and that
knowing “all things work together for good,” he looked forward to
the future without misgiving or apprehension.
But none the less he believed implicitly that the destiny of men and
of nations is in their own hands. His faith
Stonewall Jackson's Faith 73
was as sane as it was humble, without a touch of that presumptuous
fanaticism which stains the memory of Cromwell, to whom he has been
so often compared. He never imagined, even at the height of his
renown, when victory on victory crowned his banners, that he was
“the scourge of God,” the chosen instrument of His vengeance. He
prayed without ceasing, under fire as in the camp; but he never
mistook his own impulse for a revelation of the divine will. He
prayed for help to do his duty, and he prayed for success. He knew
that: “More things are wrought by
prayer Than this world dreams of;”
but he knew, also, that prayer is not always answered in the way
which man would have it. He went into battle with supreme
confidence, not, as has been alleged, that the Lord had delivered
the enemy into his hands, but that whatever happened would be the
best that could happen. And he was as free from cant as from
self-deception. It may be said of Jackson, as has been said so
eloquently of the men whom, in some respects, he closely resembled,
that “his Bible was literally food to his understanding and a guide
to his conduct. He saw the visible finger of God in every incident
of life. . . . That which in our day devout men and women feel in
their earnest moments of prayer, the devout Puritan felt, as a
second nature, in his rising up and in his lying down; in the
market-place and in the home; in society and in business; in
Parliament, in Council, and on the field of battle. And feeling
this, the Puritan had no shame in uttering the very words of the
Bible wherein he had learned so to feel; nay, he would have burned
with shame had he faltered in using the words. It is very hard for
us now to grasp what this implies. . . . But there was a generation
in which this phraseology was the natural speech of men.”1
Of this generation, although later in time, was Stonewall Jackson.
To him such language as he used in his letters to his wife, in
conversation with his intimates, and not rarely in his official
1 Oliver Cromwell, by Frederic Harrison, p. 29.
HIS INTELLECTUAL TRAINING 74
correspondence, was “the literal assertion of truths which he felt
to the roots of his being,” which absorbed his thoughts, which
coloured every action of his life, and which, from the abundance of
his heart, rose most naturally to his lips.
There is no need for further allusion to his domestic or religious
life. If in general society Jackson was wanting in geniality; if he
was so little a man of the world that his example lost much of the
influence which, had he stood less aloof from others, it must have
exercised, it was the fruit of his early training, his natural
reserve, and his extreme humility. It is impossible, however, that
so pure a life should have been altogether without reflex upon
others. If the cadets profited but indirectly, the slaves had cause
to bless his practical Christianity; the poor and the widow knew him
as a friend, and his neighbours looked up to him as the soul of
sincerity, the enemy of all that was false and vile. And for
himself—what share had those years of quiet study, of
self-communing, and of self-discipline, in shaping the triumphs of
the Confederate arms? The story of his military career is the reply.
Men of action have before now deplored the incessant press of
business which leaves them no leisure to think out the problems
which may confront them in the future. Experience is of little value
without reflection, and leisure has its disadvantages. “One can
comprehend,” says Dabney, referring to Jackson’s peculiar form of
mental exercise, “how valuable was the training which his mind
received for his work as a soldier. Command over his attention was
formed into a habit which no tempest of confusion could disturb. His
power of abstraction became unrivalled. His imagination was trained
and invigorated until it became capable of grouping the most
extensive and complex considerations. The power of his mind was
drilled like the strength of an athlete, and his self-concentration
became unsurpassed.” Such training
was undoubtedly the very best foundation for the intellectual side
of a general’s business. War presents a constant succession of
problems to be solved by HIS
INTELLECTUAL TRAINING 75
mental processes. For some experience and resource supply a ready
solution. Others, involving the movements of large bodies,
considerations of time and space, and the thousand and one
circumstances, such as food, weather, roads, topography, and morale,
which a general must always bear in mind, are composed of so many
factors, that only a brain accustomed to hard thinking can deal with
them successfully. Of this nature are the problems of strategy—those
which confront a general in command of an army or of a detached
portion of an army, and which are worked out on the map. The
problems of the battle-field are of a different order. The natural
characteristics which, when fortified by experience, carry men
through any dangerous enterprise, win the majority of victories. But
men may win battles and be very poor generals. They may be born
leaders of men, and yet absolutely unfitted for independent command.
Their courage, coolness, and common sense may accomplish the enemy’s
overthrow on the field, but with strategical considerations their
intellects may be absolutely incapable of grappling. In the great
wars of the early part of the century Ney and Blucher were probably
the best fighting generals of France and Prussia. But neither could
be trusted to conduct a campaign. Blucher, pre-eminent on the
battle-field, knew nothing of the grand combinations which prepare
and complete success. If he was the strong right hand of the
Prussian army, his chief of staff was the brain. “Gneisenau,” said
the old Marshal, “makes the pills which I administer.” “Ney’s best
qualities,” says Jomini, who served long on his staff, “his heroic
valour, his quick coup d’œil, and his energy, diminished in
the same proportion that the extent of his command increased his
responsibility. Admirable on the field of battle, he displayed less
assurance, not only in council, but whenever he was not actually
face to face with the enemy.” It is not of such material as Ney and
Blucher, mistrustful of their own ability, that great captains are
made. Marked intellectual capacity is the chief characteristic of
the most famous soldiers. Alexander, Hannibal, Cæsar, Marlborough,
Washington, Frederick, Napoleon, Wellington, and Nelson were each
and all of HIS RESOLUTE
CHARACTER 76
them something more than mere fighting men. Few of their age
rivalled them in strength of intellect. It was this, combined with
the best qualities of Ney and Blucher, that made them masters of
strategy, and lifted them high above those who were tacticians and
nothing more; and it was strength of intellect that Jackson
cultivated at Lexington. So, in
that quiet home amidst the Virginian mountains, the years sped by,
peaceful and uneventful, varied only by the holiday excursions of
successive summers. By day, the lecture at the Institute, the drill
of the cadet battery, the work of the church, the pleasant toil of
the farm and garden. When night fell, and the curtains were drawn
across the windows that looked upon the quiet street, there in that
home where order reigned supreme, where, as the master wished, “each
door turned softly on a golden hinge,” came those hours of thought
and analysis which were to fit him for great deeds.
The even tenor of this calm existence was broken, however, by an
incident which intensified the bitter feeling which already divided
the Northern and Southern sections of the United States. During the
month of January, 1859, Jackson had marched with the cadet battalion
to Harper’s Ferry, where, on the northern frontier of Virginia, the
fanatic, John Brown, had attempted to raise an insurrection amongst
the negroes, and had been hung after trial in presence of the
troops. By the South Brown was regarded as a madman and a murderer;
by many in the North he was glorified as a martyr; and so acute was
the tension that early in 1860, during a short absence from
Lexington, Jackson wrote in a letter to his wife, “What do you think
about the state of the country? Viewing things at
Washington from
human appearances, I think we have great reason for alarm.” A great
crisis was indeed at hand. But if to her who was ever beside him,
while the storm clouds were rising dark and terrible over the fair
skies of the prosperous Republic, the Christian soldier seemed the
man best fitted to lead the people, it was not so outside. None
doubted his sincerity or questioned his resolution, but few had
penetrated his reserve. As the playful tenderness he displayed at
home HIS RESOLUTE CHARACTER 77
was never suspected, so the consuming earnestness, the absolute
fearlessness, whether of danger or of responsibility, the utter
disregard of man, and the unquestioning faith in the Almighty, which
made up the individuality which men called Stonewall Jackson,
remained hidden from all but one.
To his wife his inward graces idealised his outward seeming; but
others, noting his peculiarities, and deceived by his modesty, saw
little that was remarkable and much that was singular in the staid
professor. Few detected, beneath that quiet demeanour and absent
manner, the existence of energy incarnate and an iron will; and
still fewer beheld, in the plain figure of the Presbyterian deacon,
the potential leader of great armies, inspiring the devotion of his
soldiers, and riding in the forefront of victorious battle. |