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January 12, 1861 Harper's Weekly

Other Pages From this Edition of Harper's Weekly

Major Anderson in Harper's Weekly | 

Seizure of Southern Forts, and Beginning of Hostilities

News of Loyal Union States | 

Major Anderson's Command at Fort Moultrie | 

Major Anderson Enters Fort Sumter | 

Major Anderson Enters Ft. Sumter (Cont.)


In order to allow you to see the major events of the Civil War unfold just as the people living at the time, we present original Harper's Weekly articles in their entirety.  Below we present a leaf from the January 12, 1861 edition of Harper's Weekly.  We have digitized an image of the original leaf, and have converted it to readable text.  This leaf presents incredible stories of the days leading up to the Civil War.  This page features declarations of loyalty from a number of Union States, as well as other interesting National and World News.



JANUARY 12, 1861.



(Continuation of Article on Secretary Floyed Resignatin from the US Cabinet) must inevitably inaugurate civil war. I can not consent to be the agent of such calamity. I deeply regret that I feel myself under the necessity of tendering to you my resignation as Secretary of War, because I can no longer hold it under my convictions of patriotism nor with honor, subjected as I am to a violation of solemn pledges and plighted faith."


The Governor's Message was delivered to the Legislature at Harrisburg on 2d inst.

He declares the doctrine of secession erroneous. The Constitution is something more than a mere compact. Organized resistance to the Federal Government is rebellion. If successful, it may be purged of the crime by revolution; if unsuccessful, the persons may be executed as traitors. But while denying the right of a State to absolve its citizens from allegiance to the Federal Government, nevertheless it is proper that we carefully and candidly examine the reasons alleged, and if they are well founded they should be unhesitatingly removed, and reparation made for the past and security for the future ; for a government created by the people should never do injustice to any portion of its citizens. Pennsylvania being included in the States alleged to have refused compliance with the Fugitive Slave Law, he unhesitatingly avers that the State has been almost invariably influenced by a high regard for the rights of her sister States. After examining the present State laws, he says there is nothing to prevent the revival of the act of 1826, leaving to the claimant the right to seek a remedy under the State or National laws. He recommends that the consent of the State be given to the master, while sojourning in or passing through Pennsylvania, to retain the services of the slave. He suggests the reenactment of the Missouri Compromise, and that the line be extended to California by amendment of the Constitution ; recommends the Legislature to instruct our representatives in Congress to support such an amendment, to be submitted to the State Convention for ratification, and if Congress fails to pro-pose it, let it emanate from the people. He closes by declaring that Pennsylvania is devoted to the Union, and will follow the stars and stripes through every peril. He adds : " But before assuming the responsibilities that are foreshadowed, it is the solemn duty of Pennsylvania to re-move every just cause of complaint, so that she can stand before high Heaven without fear and without reproach, and than she will be ready to devote her lives and fortunes to the best form of government ever devised by the wisdom of man. Though a dark cloud now rests upon the Union, my hopes and affections still cling to it. My prayer is, that He who orders the destinies of nations, when he shall have punished us for our sins, will again have mercy upon us, and bind us together in stronger and more hallowed bond, of fraternity, so that the Union may remain unbroken through all future time."


Governor Stewart's Message was read to the Legislature on 3d.

After reviewing the progress of the Abolition and Republican parties, and stating the result of their success, the Governor says that Missouri occupies a position in regard to these troubles that should make her voice potent in the councils of the nation. With scarcely a Disunionist per se within her borders, she is still determined to demand and maintain her rights at every hazard.

Missouri loves the Union, and will never submit to wrong. She came into the Union upon a compromise, and is willing to abide by a fair compromise—not such ephemeral contracts as are enacted by Congress today and repealed tomorrow, but a compromise assuring all the just rights of the States, and agreed to in solemn convention of all the parties interested.

Missouri has a right to speak on this subject, because she has suffered deeply, having, probably, lost as much in the past few years by abductions of slaves as all the rest of the Southern States put together.

Speaking of secession, the Governor deprecates the action of South Carolina, and says: " Our people would feel more sympathy with the movement, had it originated among those who, like ourselves, have suffered severe losses and constant annoyances from the interference and depredations of outsiders."

Missouri will hold to the Union so long as it is worth the effort to preserve it. She can not be frightened by the past unfriendly legislation of the North, or dragooned into secession by the restrictive legislation of the extreme South. The Governor denies the right of voluntary secession, and says that it would be utterly destructive of every principle on which the national faith is founded ; appeals to the great conservative masses of the people to put down selfish and designing politicians, to avert the threatened evils, and closes with a strong recommendation to adopt all proper measures for our rights ; condemns the resort to separation; protests against hasty and unwise action, and records his unalterable devotion to the Union, so long as it can be made the protector of equal rights.

The Inaugural Address of Governor Jackson, of Missouri, was delivered on 4th. It is devoted almost exclusively to a discussion of the national troubles, and takes the position that Missouri must stand by the other Slaveholding States, whatever course they may pursue—the interests of all being identical. Missouri, however, is in favor of remaining in the Union so long as there is a hope of maintaining the guarantees of the Constitution. The Governor is opposed to coercion in any event, but recommends the calling of a State Convention to ascertain the will of the people.


Henry Winter Davis's address to his constituents is a powerful appeal against convening the Maryland Legislature. He contends that such an act, under the present excitement, would be fraught with imminent danger to the Union, and to any hope of adjusting the existing national difficulties. He denounces the efforts made and making to have our Legislature assembled, as instigated by the extreme revolutionists and secessionists of the South —a plot to forcibly take possession of the Federal Capital and prevent Lincoln's inauguration, which would irretrievably dissolve the Union, and plunge the whole nation into civil war.

He also says that Maryland has every thing to lose and nothing to gain by joining a Southern Confederacy. A dissolved Union, under any circumstances, destroys her identity, kills her commerce, her railroads, manufactures, every thing. Her only safety is in the Union, and her paramount duty is to defend it at every hazard.

He says the Southern secessionists have been stumping the State, insidiously poisoning the minds of the Maryland people, and endeavoring to get them to urge the convocation of the Legislature by overruling and intimidating Governor Hicks ; that if the Legislature were convened such appliances would be made to the members as would cause them to take sides with the filibustering revolutionists, and plunge the whole country into irretrievable ruin.

He also opposes any convention of the border States, as has been proposed, to assemble in Baltimore—it being unconstitutional. Every project toward adjusting the difficulties must be unconstitutional, except those in the amendments and compromises prescribed by the Constitution. The whole people and States must act together. He believes slavery secure only by the Union's protection. Nothing but adjustment within the whole Union can avert civil war. He still hopes this settlement within the range of possibility.


The Michigan Legislature met at Lansingburg on 2d, and organized by the election of Dexter Mussey, of Ma-comb, Speaker. The retiring Governor- delivered his annual Message to both Houses. State affairs are represented to be in a prosperous condition. He takes strong ground against the right of secession; charges the President of the United States with misrepresenting the principles of the Republican party ; and attributes the present sectional excitement to misrepresentation, by the Northern Democratic press, as to the intentions and designs of that party. In relation to the Personal Liberty laws of the State, he says if they are unconstitutional and in conflict with the Fugitive Slave law, they should be repealed; but says these laws are right, and speak the sentiments of the people, are in strict accordance with the Constitution, and ought not to be repealed. Let them stand. This is no time for timid

and vacillating counsel while the cry of treason is ringing in our ears.

Governor Blair, of Michigan, in his Inaugural Address, sent to the Legislature of that State on 4th, denies the right of secession, and says that if without yielding this point it could be done, he presumes that the country generally would be willing to let the restless little State of South Carolina step out. He denies that the Personal Liberty laws have prevented the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law in a single instance. He is unwilling that Michigan should comply with a demand to repeal any of her laws when it is accompanied with threats. He recommends that the Legislature speedily assure the country that Michigan will stand by the Union, and to proffer to the President her whole military force in its defense.


Governor Banks, contrary to custom, upon surrendering his commission as Governor of Massachusetts, addressed a Message to the Legislature, reviewing his administration, and giving an exhibit of the financial condition of the commonwealth. It was never in a more prosperous condition. This is not only true in face of the present depressed condition of the country, but it is also true that the Savings Banks of Massachusetts contain deposits, made almost wholly by the working men and women of that and other New England States, to the amount of thirty-three million of dollars. In view of the startling announcements that the laboring classes of Massachusetts are starving, the above is a remarkable fact.


The Legislature of Delaware met at Dover, on 2d inst., and organized by choosing Dr. Martin, of Sussex, Speaker of the Senate, and Mr. Williamson, of Newcastle, Speaker of the House.

Hon. H. Dickenson, Commissioner from Mississippi, was received today, and addressed both Houses in a strong Southern Speech, taking ground in favor of South Carolina and secession, and inviting Delaware to join in a Southern Confederacy. He claimed the right of the Southern States to secede, and said that if they were not allowed to do so, war was inevitable.

The speech of Mr. Dickenson was greeted with applause and hisses.

After the speech the House adopted unanimously the following resolution, in which the Senate concurred by a majority:

" Resolved, That having extended to Hon. H. Dickenson, Commissioner from Mississippi, the courtesy due him as a representative of a sovereign State of the Confederacy, as well as to the State he represents, we deem it proper and due to ourselves and the people of Delaware to express our unqualified disapproval of the remedy for the existing difficulties suggested by the resolutions of the Legislature of Mississippi."


A telegram dated Tallahassee, Thursday, January 3, says : The Convention met at noon today. Colonel Petit was chosen temporary chairman. A prayer was made by Bishop Rutledge. The several counties in the State were then called, and the delegates enrolled their names. No permanent organization was effected, nor was any Committee appointed on the subject.


A writer in the Philadelphia Press says :

"I have been enabled to glean from conversation with visitors lately arrived in this city from Charleston, Mobile, New Orleans, Savannah, and Memphis, and from reading certain private letters, the following facts:

" That starvation is impending in many parts of South Carolina, Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana.

"That there is little or no money in circulation in the Cotton States, and notwithstanding the suspension of nearly all the Southern banks, their paper has greatly depreciated.

"That even Virginia notes are far below par in this city.

"That the necessity of raising money to support war establishments in the different Cotton States, intended for the double purpose of resisting the Federal Government and of putting down local trouble, alarms the property-holders, many of whom would retire to the North, but they are forced to pay these taxes in order to prevent suspicion, and are compelled to remain lest a portion of their families might be retained as hostages.

"That constant fears are entertained of a rising of the slaves in most of the Southern States. These fears, whether real or imaginary, are producing universal alarm.

" Letters received this morning by a Southern lady represent the feeling on this subject as intense.

"That bitter divisions are growing up among the politicians in the South—some produced by disputes on the question of secession, some by the horrors of forced taxation, and still more by the fact that South Carolina is in the attitude of enforcing a Reign of Terror, to which all men must submit in order to save reputation and life."


A Kentucky letter to the Philadelphia Press says : in the mean while starvation throughout the Southern cities, starvation in Alabama, starvation in South Carolina, starvation in Mississippi, and even starvation in Kentucky, is threatened. Yes! almost in the neighborhood of the residence of the Vice-President himself. I have in my hand a letter from a Democrat living in Lexington, who says, ' Times are so hard here that I am compelled to economize so as to live. We have held on here until patience is entirely exhausted, and now we see no other alternative but secession.' The cry that ' Cotton is king' is well enough, but cotton can not buy bacon and grain to feed the slaves. This must be procured with bullion—with gold and silver; and while England will undoubtedly send forward her specie in order to procure her supply of cotton, this specie must go to the Western cities and States, to save the Southern cities and States from the direful catastrophe of famine. What a comment, this painful fact, upon the favorite theory of establishing non-intercourse laws between the North and the South, and of taxing those States which are supposed to have passed Personal Liberty bills !"


The following letter, from a large landholder and planter in Mississippi, is published in the Herald :

" CO. MISSISSIPPI Dec. 25, 1860. "I have been through several counties in this State, and some of the northern counties in Alabama, and I have no hesitation in saying that the men of property in both States are unanimously opposed to the secession movement. It is got up and engineered by the politicians and the poor whites : the slaveholders are compelled to fall in with it for fear of having their property confiscated. The largest slaveowner in this State was warned, the other day, that if he gave vent to his Union sentiment he would be lynched and his property confiscated. He took the hint and left the State. It is so in every county, and also in Alabama, Louisiana, and Georgia. The interests of the owners of slaves and property of every kind make them friends of the Union ; but in the present state of feeling in these States they can not declare themselves without running more risk than they care to encounter. The hope of us slaveholders is, that the Government will at last do something to check the present revolutionary tide, so as to give us a chance to organize a reactionary party without endangering ourselves, our cotton, or our necks. If people here felt certain that the United States Government would fight vigorously, a submissionist party would soon make itself heard. It is the belief that Mr. Buchanan and his Cabinet are on the side of secession, and that no resistance is to be feared, which gives courage to the enemies of the Union. I have very little hope myself in the future. We are now paying such prices for corn and provisions that cotton planting is a losing business. If I could sell my slaves I would go North ; but I could not sell now without losing sixty per cent. at least on their cost. So I must swim with the tide and bear what fortune brings along."


In a letter recently published General Wool says : " Surely the President would not surrender the citadel of the harbor of Charleston to rebels. Fort Sumter commands the entrance, and in a few hours could demolish Fort Moultrie. So long as the United States keeps possession of this fort, the independence of South Carolina will only be in name,

and not in fact. If, however, it should be surrendered to South Carolina, which I do not apprehend, the smothered indignation of the free States would be roused beyond control. It would not be in the power of any one to restrain it. In twenty days two hundred thousand men would be in readiness to take vengeance on all who would betray the Union into the hands of its enemies. Be assured that I do not exaggerate the feelings of the people. They are already sufficiently excited at the attempt to dissolve the Union for no other reason than that they constitutionally exercised the most precious right conferred on them—of voting for the person whom they considered the most worthy and best qualified to fill the office of President. Fort Sumter, therefore, ought not, and I presume will not, be delivered over to South Carolina.”


The Albany Evening Journal thus closes an article vindicating its course in urging compromise on the slavery question for the sake of the Union: "If our Republican friends would but turn their attention from the ' dead past' to the ' living present,' with an intelligent appreciation of all that the lesson teaches, our differences would cease. We only differ in this, viz. : That with the election of a Republican President, the issues upon which his success was mainly based became obsolete—obsolete, because, until we acquire more territory, the conflict between Freedom and Slavery is over. The moment the ballot-boxes closed, on the 6th day of November, the freedom of Kansas, Nebraska, Washington, New Mexico, etc., was assured. The work was finished ; and however vehemently our friends may keep stumping, their fires will go out, and until fresh fuel is furnished can not be rekindled. The idea of sustaining the Republican party upon questions that have been argued and decided, is as preposterous as to expect to reap wheat or harvest corn from fields in which seed was neither sown nor planted. Let us, then, gather instruction from the ' dead past,' but as men of sense deal with the ' living present.' "


In a letter to a Philadelphia Committee, Mr. Sherman says: "In this view of the present condition of public affairs, it becomes the people of the United States seriously to consider whether the Government shall be arrested in the execution of its undisputed powers by the citizens of one or more States, or whether we shall test the power of the Government to defend itself against dissolution. Can a separation take place without war? If so, where will be the line? Who shall possess the magnificent capital, with all its evidences of progress and civilization? Shall the mouth of the Mississippi be separated from its sources? Who shall possess the Territories? Suppose these difficulties to be overcome ; suppose that in peace we should huckster and divide up our nationality, our flag, our history; all the recollections of the past; suppose all these difficulties overcome, how can two rival republics, of the same race of men, divided only by a line or a river for thousands of miles, with all the present difficulties aggravated by separation, avoid forays, disputes, and war? How can we travel our future march of progress in Mexico or on the high seas, or on the Pacific slope, without collision? It is impossible. To peaceably accomplish such results we must change the nature of man. Disunion is war ! God knows I do not threaten it, for I will seek to prevent it in every way possible. I speak but the logic of facts, which we should not conceal from each other. It is either hostility between the Government and the seceding States, or, if separation is yielded peaceably, it is a war of factions—a rivalry of insignificant communities, hating each other, and contemned by the civilized world. If war results, what a war it will be I Contemplate the North and South in hostile array against each other. If these sections do not know each other now, they will then."


The New York Times says: "It seems to be certain that Mr. Lincoln has tendered places in his Cabinet to Edward Bates, of Missouri, and Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, and that both these invitations have been accepted. We have reason to believe that he has also tendered the post of Secretary of State to Senator Seward, and that it is likely to be accepted. Our information upon this point, however, is not positive."


A dispatch, dated Washington, Jan. 2, says : " Among other sensations today was one that Senator Wade was to be assassinated. The particulars are as follows: Some time since some one residing in Mississippi, signing himself Phelps, wrote a letter to Wade, after his late speech, threatening to shoot him at sight on account of the anti-Southern sentiments therein contained. Yesterday afternoon a man called upon Hon. Edward Wade, a Representative from Ohio, at his residence, Mrs. Carter's, No. 4 A Street, Capitol Hill, and asked if he was the Congressman who had lately made a speech? Mr. W. replied that it was not himself, but a relative. The stranger then asked where his relative, the Senator, lived. Mr. W. gave the direction, and detaining his visitor upon some pretext or other, sent word to the Senator that a suspicions individual was on his track, and that he should be on his guard. In due time the stranger appeared at the lodgings of Senator Wade, at Mrs. Hyatt's, No. 339 Pennsylvania Avenue. He was invited into the parlor, but declined, stating that his business was with Mr. Wade alone, and that he wished to see him in his apartment. He was then confronted by the Hon. Sidney Edgerton, of Ohio, who was stopping at the same place. Mr. E. asked the stranger where he was from. He replied, Massachusetts. But his pronunciation and general appearance inclined Mr. Edgerton to believe that he was not from that region. Mr. E. then asked him his name. This the stranger refused to give, and said he would disclose it to Mr. Wade alone. He was told that Mr. W. was not accustomed to receive the visits of strangers in that manner, and thereupon the stranger withdrew. This is the whole of that assassination story, so far. The affair has created considerable talk and speculation; for, in the midst of the sea of bad blood that now surges between the North and South, there is no knowing what an hour may bring forth."


Ralph Farnham, the last survivor of the battle of Bunker's Hill, died on the 26th ult. in Acton, Maine, at the age of 104 years, 5 months, 19 days. On the afternoon preceding his demise he asked his daughter-in-law, " Ain't there angels in the room ?" She replied, " Father, do you think there are ?" " Oh yes," said he, " the room is full of them, and they have come to assist me home." Speaking of his recent trip to Boston, where he met the Prince of Wales, and the Massachusetts State officers, he said :

One day Governor Banks and Mrs. Banks came to see me, and each of them made me a present. Mrs. Banks kissed me ; and I don't recollect that I ever felt so embarrassed in all my life as I did when I found the Governor's wife was going to kiss me."


The National Fast Day, appointed by the President, and accordingly recommended by the Governor of this State, was observed in this City by an almost universal cessation of business, and otherwise in the most becoming manner. Nearly all the churches of the various denominations were opened, and were well filled, and in most instances crowded.



A HINT TO KING COTTON. WE read in the Manchester Guardian: "Several samples of Indian cotton have been exhibited on 'Change today, received by the Cotton Supply Association from the
Agricultural and Horticultural Society of Calcutta. One sample was grown from Bourbon seed, and is of excellent quality, worth 7d. per pound ; another is the native Oopnm cotton of India, and a third is grown in the neighborhood of Delhi, valued at 6d. The attention of the trade is being called to these products in proof hat India can furnish the necessary staple for our manufactures. Under the uncertainty in which the supply of cotton is placed by the state of the relation between the free and the slave States of America, it is to be hoped that spinners will encourage importation

 from all other quarters. In connection with this subject, we point attention to the prospectus of a Cotton Importing Company (limited) which is started under the highest auspices, and of which Mr. Thomas Bazley is Chairman of the Provisional Committee."



Two significant articles have appeared in the Constitutionnel, from the pen of M. Grandguillot, relative to Austria and Venetia. In these articles it is covertly intimated that Austria must consent to sell Venetia, or be prepared for a new war in the spring. It is also asserted that France will never suffer the return to an offensive policy by Austria in Lombardy.



The Naples correspondence of the Tintes contains the following extracts from a letter from Caprera received in Naples:

"CAPRERA, Sunday, Dee. 2.

At break of day all are astir, and every one preparing himself for his own occupation, so that on the little square facing the house you see on one side Colonel D— sharpening a knife, on the other F— mending a spade; Menotti, his son, trying a musket ; I3--, who with a needle mends nets: G— selecting the seeds; and, inside the house, the daughter's good governess preparing some coffee for these working people.

' Then each goes :Mont his business—one to the direction of the plow, another to the plantation of the vine, which is to be tried: some devoting themselves to fishing, others to the chase, and the General to survey all, to direct all, selecting the best agricultural systems that his mind suggests to him.

',Toward midday a slight and sober collation, where, seated around an old walnut table, ' belonging to drawing or entrance room,' they narrate to each other their campestral feats, interspersed by relations of war episodes, of military adventures, and a hundred other things which render that familiar intercourse so exquisitely agreeable and homelike.

"Then the daughter, a l'impromptu, makes the house resound with the accords of an excellent piano (sole luxurious article of furniture he possesses at Caprera), and begins playing the allegro, ' Dagliela avanti un passo,' followed by that here prohibited, ' Va fuori d'Italia'—hymns which recall so much grief and so many national joys. After breakfast each resumes his occupation again to meet at the frugal evening dinner, where certainly no one envies the regal repast shared in gilded saloons. At night, after a short walk, the Dictator retires to his own little room, and there, alone with his thoughts, meditates on the future destiny of that Italy, which, I may say, he never names without a tremor of love.

" C. M—."



The British Foreign-office on Thursday, December 20, issued the two following notifications to the newspapers : Sir John Cramtpton reports yesterday that Lord Elgin, in a letter of the 8th November, informs him of the ratification and publication of the treaty with China, and of the march of the army to Tien-tsin. His lordship makes no mention of the prisoners, but says that he is indebted to General Ignatieff for the manner in which that minister had promoted the object of his negotiations.

The following, from Sir John Crompton, dated at St. Petersburg, also reached the Foreign-office on the same day:

Prince Gortschakoff has communicated to me the following report, from General Ignatieff, of the European Massacres by the Chinese : English, De Norman (Mr. Bruce's attache), Anderson (chief of Lord Elgin's escort), and the correspondent of the Times. French, Dubat (Intendent of the French expedition), one of his aides-de-camp, and a Colonel of Artillery. These are the only cases cited by General Ignatieff, but the total number of victims is not less than 19.


The following is the evidence of Jowalla Sing, who was with Lieutenant Anderson and Mr. De Norman when they died :

"We arrived at a fort, and were there put in prison, confined in cages and loaded with chains. At that time we were seven in all. I know nothing of the others. They were taken further on. 'We were kept in this place three days, so tightly bound with cords that we could not move—the sowars hound with one cord, the others with two. At the first place we got nothing to eat, after that they gave us a little as before. After the first day at the second place Lieutenant Anderson became delirious, and remained so, with a few lucid intervals, until his death, which occurred on the ninth day of his imprisonment. Two days before his death his nails and fingers burst from the tightness of the cords, and mortification set in, and the bones of the wrist were exposed. While he was alive worms were generated in his wounds, and ate into and crawled over his body. They left the body there three days, and then took it away. Five days after his death a sowar named Ramdun died in the same state. His body was taken away immediately. Three days after this Mr. De Norman died. On the evening of the day of Lieutenant Anderson's decease the cords were taken off our hands, but our feet were still kept bound ; and from that time we were better fed. Our feet were unbound two days after this, and kept so until our release yesterday evening. When Lieutenant Anderson and our comrades called on us to help him by biting his cords, the Chinamen kicked us away. When we arrived at the joss-house between Tung-chow and Pekin, Captain Brabazon and a French-man went back, and Lieutenant Anderson told us they were going to the Commander-in-Chief to give information and obtain our release."


The following is the testimony of another Sikh soldier : ; " We were then put into tents, six in each; Mr. Anderson told off the numbers to each. This was about 2 o'clock in the day. About half an hour after our arrival Mr. De Norman was taken out, under the pretense of having his face and hands washed; he was immediately seized, thrown on the ground, and his hands and feet tied together be-hind. Mr. Anderson was then taken out and tied in the same manner; then Mr. Bowlby, and then the French-man, and then the sowars. After we had all been tied they put water on our bonds to tighten them. They then lifted us up, and took us into a court-yard, where we remained in the open air for three days, exposed( to the sun and cold. Mr. Anderson became delirious the second day, from the effects of the sun and want of water and food. We had nothing to eat all that time. At last they gave us about two square inches of bread and a, little water. In the daytime the place was left open, and hundreds of people came to stare at us. There were many amen of rank among the spectators. At night a soldier was placed on guard over each of us. If we spoke a word, or asked for water, we were beaten and stamped upon. They kicked us about the head with their boots. If we asked for something to eat, they crammed dirt down our mouths. At the end of the third day irons were put on our necks, wrists, and ankles, and about three o'clock on the fourth day we were taken away in carts. I never saw Mr. Anderson again. In our two carts there were eight of us—viz., three Frenchmen, four Sikhs, and myself. One Frenchman died on the road; lie was wounded with a sword-cut en the head. We were then taken away toward the hills. That night we stopped at a house to cat and rest, and traveled all the next day. We stopped again at night, and late the next day arrived at a walled town as big as Tien-tsin. There was also a large white fort outside the town, about two miles off. The place was surrounded on three sides by high hills. We were taken into the jail inside the town. A Frenchmen died after he had been in the jail about eight or nine days, and Sowar Prem Singh about three or four days after that. They both died from maggots eating into their flesh, and from which mortification ensued. The mandarin in charge of the jail took off my irons about ten days ago. The China nose prisoners were very kind to us, cleansed and washed our wounds, and gave us what they had to eat.

"Camp Pekin, October 13, 1860 "



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