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Page) of luxuries to the rebel prisoners would be cut off. The people
who profess an airy ignorance and indifference in the war would be silenced and
sobered by public opinion; and a victory of the rebellion upon
the Potomac would be the liberation of
the slaves. If they are our foes already, as
the scornful rebels declare, they would be no more so then. If they wished to
fight for their own degradation, they would have an opportunity.
The lesson of the ever-present
hour is, that we are to keep a cheerful mind by looking always directly at the
facts of the case.
The rebels are very ignorant, and
their effort is for the destruction of all the safeguards of human rights ; but
they are as sincere as savages, as desperate, and as unforgiving. They are
taught, and they believe, that this is a war of invasion by fire and sword
against their territory and all their rights, especially their sacred system of
slavery, waged by a plebeian, psalm-singing,
Puritan mob of peddlers and
tinkers, who have always abused them, and taxed them, and made money out of
them, and who now propose to take their property outright. They are taught and
believe that all that is precious and honorable in men requires resistance to
the death. They are very ignorant, but very desperate and very able.
Now such rebels fight with their
brains no less than with their guns. The brains may belong to a few, but they
are well worked for the benefit of all. Take for an instance the fact that they
had poisoned the public opinion of the whole world against us. When the storm
struck us, we struggled up, looked around for a friend, and the nations stood
regarding us with folded arms, and either a smile or sneer upon their faces. It
was an immense victory and advantage for the rebellion. It was a part of the
same sagacity in crime that had already stolen all our arms and demolished or
sent off our ships. It showed what every thing else has shown, the earnestness
of the rebels.
The war, then, as
General McClellan says, will be "sharp." But a
sharp war implies blows received as well as given. It implies resolution and
bravery upon both sides. It implies that the difficulty is not to be snuffed
out, but is to be shelled cut and shot down. It implies reverses and disasters
All we can reasonably expect,
then, is not that we shall beat in every battle, but that, upon the whole, we
shall be gaining. The war is radical and thorough. We shall not have two of them
in our day ; and it will end in a permanent peace, not in a patch. The event may
indeed soon appear. It may soon be evident that the supremacy of the Government
will be indisputably established. But the establishment will be a work of time.
A peace of eighty years in a country does not end in a little war ; and a great
war is a tempest which heaves the ocean long after the sun shines. Patience,
forbearance, confidence, says General McClellan. Neither
Bull Run nor
Beaufort ended the war. The strong
heart, the steady mind, the nimble hand, these alone bring final victory.
Mr. Jefferson Davis asks with well-bred
disdain, " Do you call this a blockade,
John Bull ?" and while that unselfish gentleman
says to us, " Good cousins, what do you call a blockade ?" the answer is plumped
and splashed in sundry lately convenient harbors upon our rebellious coast. The
Honorable Rodney French, a marine magician from New Bedford, sails out of that
city one gray November morning, and presently turns a screw, and lo ! he has
made inland villages of sundry ports of entry.
His ships are provided with
apparatus for pumping them out, and floating them at some convenient season. But
when the sands of the rebellion run low, the sands of the Cooper and the Ashley
and the Savannah will probably have buried the ancient whalers of New Bedford
beyond help of pumps and bladders. Meanwhile the amiable discussion between the
rebels and their foreign well-wishers may continue. What a blockade ought to be
may remain an open question. What our blockade is will be settled.
These acts, with the
arrest of Mason and Slidell, and the great day
of Port Royal, will show the world, which has disbelieved, that we are now
awaking, if not awake. It will show also that this nation, while it subdues a
most causeless and wicked rebellion, desires to leave a monument of the war and
its own power, which shall yet injure no innocent person, and in no manner
destroy the prosperity of the whole country.
Charleston was the nursery of this
insurrection. It will not be wasted with fire, nor flooded with water ; but the
arrogant little city will be changed into a country village. "Siste viator," its
quiet rural streets will hereafter say, "I was a frog ; I would be an ox ; and I
am a dried skin."
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
ALMANACK AND DIARY. ASTRONOMICAL
AND METEORILLOGICAL NOTICES. WIND—high.
N.B.—For economical reasons there
will be no New Moon this month, as the old one, being in excellent repair, will
still be retained upon the establishment.
vegetable marrow, and young pease may be looked for about this time; it is as
well, however, to caution young gardeners against spending too long a time in
the proceeding. If you have a dearth of fruit walk down to the water side above
Richmond, gather the currents of the Thames, which are running (probably to
seed), and return home in triumph.
FLOWER GARDEN.—Rake up dead
leaves, soil, stumps, sand, gravel, and any other rubbish into a heap, then turn
over it (somersaults, if convenient) until you are tired or hurt yourself; the
effect from your neighbors' windows will be novel and pretty.
RECIPE FOR A WARM AND GRATEFUL
DRINK.—(Extracted from the Works of Bishop Beveridge.)—Take half an ounce of the
best raisin pips, the same of lemon, with one of the best Wallsend, one drachm
and a half of finely-powdered chalk. simmer carefully on a gridiron, and drink
suddenly -N.B. The foregoing is at bedtime—(the very last thing) to be taken.
MEMORANDA FOR THE MONTH—(From J.
Note-book).—Mem. To ask who took
my new hat after our ball. Mem. Find out to whom I lent my guinea umbrella. Mem.
To get that two pounds ten from Jones. MEM—(From Jones's Note-book).—Avoid
SMILES AND TEARS.—An uncharitable
French proverb says, "Man, woman, or child was never yet helped by Tiers ;" the
English of this must be that " Self-Help" is by Smiles.
TESTIMONIAL TO THE BOUCICAULTS
(from the Note-book of B. Webster, Esq ).—" Highly accomplished couple, my dear
boy ; they play, sing, and—ahem ! —draw."
QUERY BY SPINNING JENNY.—Could a
loom worked by steam ever become an heir-loom in a family?
MODERN CLASSICS.—Est veritas in
vino?—Vy, no. SPRING TIME.—When the Cure sings at Weston's. GREAT
EXPECTATIONS.—Civility from the Civil Service.
IT FOLLOWS, OF COURSE.—In one of
the journals we find the announcement of a new story called Crime and its
Punishment. We can quite understand that, from the nature of the story, it was a
crime to write it, and certainly that it will be a punishment to read it, which
forms, as the author may see, it very pretty sequiter indeed.
The author of the following can
have a check for any amount upon ceiling at our office, provided he will not
annoy us for the fixture: Why is a man walking on wet grass like a bank draft
unpaid?—Because he is over dew!
THE first regular session of the
Thirty-seventh Congress commenced at noon on 2d inst. The galleries of both
Houses were crowded with spectators. In the Senate thirty-seven Senators
answered to their names at roll call, including Messrs. Powell of Kentucky,
Bayard of Delaware, and Bright of Indiana. The usual committees were appointed
to wait upon and inform the President and the House of Representatives that the
Senate was ready to proceed to business.
Senator Trumbull, of Illinois,
gave notice that he would introduce a bill to confiscate the property of rebels,
and give freedom to persons in
slave States. Senator Wilkinson, of Minnesota,
gave notice of a bill to abolish the distinction between the regular and
volunteer soldiers. The committee appointed to wait on the President reported
that he would communicate his Message to Congress at noon on 3d, whereupon the
In the House one hundred and
fourteen members answered to their names. Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, was
admitted to a seat. The question of admitting Mr. Segar, from the Fortress
Monroe District of Virginia, Mr. Beach, from the same State, and Mr. Foster,
from North Carolina, was referred to the Committee on Elections. A memorial from
Mr. Lowe, to be admitted as an additional member from California, was referred
to the same Committee. A joint resolution, tendering the thanks of Congress to
Captain Wilkes, for his
arrest of the rebel emissaries Mason and Slidell, was
adopted. A resolution expelling John W. Reed, the member from the Fifth District
of Missouri, and now serving in the rebel army, was adopted. Resolutions
requesting the President to order that Messrs. Slidell and Mason be treated in
the same manner as Colonel Corcoran and Colonel Wood, prisoners in the hands of
the rebels, are treated, were unanimously adopted, amidst cheers from the
The Secretary of War was
requested to communicate what measures have been taken to ascertain who is
responsible for the disaster at
Ball's Bluff. Mr. Eliot, of Massachusetts,
offered a resolution declaring that in prosecuting the war the Government has
for its object the suppression of rebellion and the re-establishment of the
Constitution and laws over the entire country; disclaiming all power to
interfere with State institutions, yet that the safety of the State dominates
over all rights of property and civil relations; that, therefore, the President
of the United States, as the Commander-in-Chief of our army, and the officers in
command under him, have the right to emancipate all persons held as slaves in
any military district in a state of insurrection against the National
Government; and that we respectfully advise that such order of emancipation be
issued whenever the same will avail to weaken the power of the rebels in arms,
or to strengthen the military power of the loyal forces. A motion to lay the
resolution on the table was lost by a vote of 56 to 70. Mr. Roscoe L. Conkling,
of New York, proposed an amendment so as to make the resolution apply to the
slaves of disloyal citizens. This was accepted by Mr. Eliot, and the subject was
then laid aside till Tuesday next.
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania,
offered a preamble and bill declaring that there can be no permanent peace or
Union in the republic so long as slavery exists within it; that slavery is an
essential means of protracting the war; that according to the law of nations it
is right to liberate the slaves of an enemy to weaken his power; that the
President be requested to declare free, and to direct all our generals and
officers in command to order freedom to all slaves who shall leave their masters
or shall aid in quelling the rebellion, and that the United States pledge the
faith of the nation to make full and fair compensation to all loyal citizens who
are or shall remain active in supporting the Union for all damage they may
sustain by virtue of this resolution. This resolution lies over for future
consideration. Mr. Van Wyck, of New York, gave notice of a bill to establish and
construct a military and postal railroad from Washington City, in the District
of Columbia, to the City of New York, in the State of New York. The Committee
appointed to wait on the President reported that the Message would be sent in at
noon on 3d, and the House adjourned. The Message was sent in at noon of the 3d.
We give its leading points:
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The disloyal citizens of the
United States, who have offered the ruin of our country in return for the aid
and comfort which they have invoked abroad, have received less patronage and
encouragement than they probably expected..... The principal lever relied on by
the insurgents for exciting foreign nations to hostility against us is the
embarrassment of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably saw front the
first that it was the Union which made as well our foreign as our domestic
commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort for disunion
produces the existing difficulty, and that one strong nation promises more
durable peace, and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable commerce, than can
the same nation broken into fragments.
Since, however, it is apparent
that here, as in every other State, foreign dangers necessarily attend domestic
difficulties, I recommend that adequate and ample measures be adopted for
maintaining the public defenses on every side. While, under this general
recommendation, provision for defending our coast line readily occurs to the
mind, I also, in the same connection, ask the attention of Congress to our great
lakes and rivers. It is believed that some fortifications and depots of arms and
munitions, with harbor and navigation improvements at well-selected points upon
these would be of great importance to the national defense and preservation.
I deem it of importance that the
loyal regions of East Tennessee and Western North Carolina should be connected
with Kentucky and other faithful parts of the Union by railroad; I therefore
recommend, as a military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of
such road as speedily as possible. Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and,
through her Legislature, make the most judicious selection of a line.
The revenue from all sources,
including loans for the financial year ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was
$86,835,900.27, and the expenditures for the same period,
including payments on account of
the public debt, were $84,578,034.47, leaving a balance in the Treasury on the
1st of July of $2,257,065.80 for the first quarter of the financial year ending
on the 30th September, 1861. The receipts from all sources, including the
balance of July 1, were $102,532,509.27, and the expenses $98,239,733.09,
leaving a balance on the 1st of October, 1861, of $4,292,776.18..... It is
gratifying to know that the expenses made necessary by the rebellion are not
beyond the resources of the loyal people, and to believe that the same
patriotism which has thus far sustained the Government will continue to sustain
it till peace and union shall again bless the land.
CLAIMS AGAINST REBELS.
One of the unavoidable
consequences of the present insurrection is the entire suppression in many
places of all ordinary means of administering civil justice by the officers and
in the forms of existing law. This is the case, in whole or in part, in all the
insurgent States, and as our armies advance upon and take possession of parts of
those States, the practical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts, nor
officers to whom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of
their lawful claims against citizens of the insurgent States, and there is a
vast amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as
$200,000,000, due in large part front insurgents, in open rebellion, to loyal
citizens who are even now making great sacrifices in the discharge of their
patriotic duty to support the government. Under these circumstances I have been
urgently solicited to establish by military power courts to administer summary
justice in such cases. I have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any
doubt that the end proposed—the collection of the debts—was just and right in
itself, but because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity
in the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose, are
equal to the anomalous occasion; and therefore I refer the whole matter to
Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the administration of
justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories as may be
under the control of this government, whether by a voluntary return to
allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms ; this, however, not to be a
permanent institution but a temporary substitute, and to cease as soon as the
ordinary courts can be re-established in peace.
Under and by virtue of the act of
Congress, entitled an act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary
purposes, approved August 6, 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the
labor and services of certain other persons have become forfeited, and numbers
of the latter, thus liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and
must be provided for in the same way. Besides this, it is not impossible that
some of the States will pass similar enactments for their own benefits
respectively, and by the operation of which persons of the same class will be
thrown upon them for disposal. In such case I recommend that Congress provide
for accepting such persons from such States according to some mode of valuation
in lieu probanto of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed with such
States respectively, that such persons on such acceptance by the General
Government be at once deemed free, and that in any event steps be taken for
colonizing both classes, or the one first mentioned if the other shall not be
brought into existence, at some place or places in a climate congenial to them.
It might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people already in
the United States could not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in
OBJECTS OF THE WAR.
In considering the policy to be
adopted for suppressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that
the inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and
remorseless revolutionary struggle. I have therefore, in every case, thought it
proper to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the primary object of the
contest on our part, leaving all questions which are not of vital military
importance to the more deliberate action of the Legislature. In the exercise of
my best discretion I have adhered to the blockade of the ports held by the
insurgents instead of putting in force by proclamation the law of Congress
enacted at the late session for closing those ports. So also obeying the
dictates of prudence as well as the obligations of law, instead of transcending,
I have adhered to the act of Congress to confiscate property, and for
insurrectionary purposes, If a new law upon the same subject shall be proposed,
its propriety will be duly considered. The Union must be preserved, and hence
all dispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine
that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the
disloyal, are indispensable.
THE BORDER STATES.
The insurgents confidently
claimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line, and the friends
of the Union were not free from apprehension on the point. This, however, was
soon settled definitely, and on the right side. South of the line noble little
Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland was made to seem against the
Union, our soldiers were assaulted, bridges were burned, and railroads torn up
within her limits, and we were many days at one time without the ability to
bring a single regiment over her soil to the capital. Now her bridges and
railroads are repaired and open to the Government. She already gives seven
regiments to the cause of the Union, and none to the enemy, and her people at a
regular election have sustained the Union by a larger majority, and a larger
aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate or any question.
Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly and, I think,
unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet,
and I believe can not again be overrun by the insurrectionists. These three
States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which would promise a
single soldier at first, have now an aggregate of not less than 40,000 in the
field for the Union. After it somewhat bloody struggle of months winter closes
on the Union people of Western Virginia, leaving them masters of their own
SCOTT AND McCLELLAN.
Lieutenant-General Scott has
retired from the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been
unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, and
brilliantly he has served the country from a time far back in our history when
few of the now living had been born, and thence forward continually, I can not
but think that we are still his debtor. I submit, therefore, for your
consideration, what further mark of recognition is due to him and ourselves as a
grateful people. With the retirement of General Scott came the executive duty of
appointing in his stead a General-in-Chief of the army. It is a fortunate
circumstance that neither in council nor country was there, so far as I know,
any difference of opinion as to the proper person to be selected. The retiring
chief repeatedly expressed his judgment in favor of
General McClellan for the
position, and in this the nation seemed to give a unanimous concurrence. The
designation of General McClellan is, therefore, in a considerable degree, the
selection of the country as well as of the Executive, and hence there is better
reason to hope there will be given him the confidence and cordial support thus
by fair implication promised, and without which he can not, with so full
efficiency, serve the country.
LABOR AND CAPITAL.
Labor is prior to, and
independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have
existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and
deserves much the higher consideration. Capital has its rights, which are as
worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and
probably always will be, a relation between labor and capital, producing mutual
benefits...... In most of the
Southern States a majority of the whole people of
all colors are neither
slaves nor masters, while in the Northern a large
majority are neither hirers nor hired. ..... There is not of necessity any such
thing as the free hired laborer being fixed for that condition of life. Many
independent men every where in these States a few years back in their lives were
hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beggar in the world labors for wages
a surplus with which to buy tools
and land for himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at
length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and
prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and consequent
energy and progress and improvement of the condition to all. No men living are
more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less
inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them
beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which,
if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement against
such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of
liberty shall be lost.
THE OBJECT OF THE STRUGGLE.
From the first taking of our
National census to the last are seventy years, and we find our population at the
end of, the period eight times as great as it was at the beginning. The increase
of those other things which men deem desirable, has been even greater. We thus
have, at one view, what the popular principle, applied to government, through
the machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time; and
also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already
among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain
250,000,000. The struggle of to-day is not altogether for to-day. It is for a
vast future, also. With a firm reliance on Providence, all the more firm and
earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us.
REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE
We give the following extracts
from the Report of the Secretary of the Navy :
EMPLOYMENT OF FUGITIVES.
In the coastwise and blockading
duties of the navy it has been not unfrequent that fugitives from
insurrectionary places have sought our ships for refuge and protection, and our
naval commanders have applied to me for instruction as to the proper disposition
which should be made of such refugees. My answer has been that, if insurgents,
they should be handed over to the custody of the Government; but if, on the
contrary, they were free from any voluntary participation in the rebellion and
sought the shelter and protection of our flag, then they should be cared for and
employed in some useful manner and might be enlisted to serve on our public
vessels or in our Navy-yards, receiving wages for their labor. If such
employment could not be furnished to all by the navy, they might be referred to
the army, and if no employment could be found for them in the public service
they should be allowed to proceed freely and peaceably without restraint to seek
a livelihood in any loyal portion of the country. This I have considered to be
the whole required duty, in the premises, of our naval officers.
Captain Charles Wilkes, in
command of the San Jacinto, while cruising in the West Indies for the Sumter,
received information that
James M. Mason and John Slidell, disloyal citizens and
leading conspirators, were with their suite to embark from Havana in the English
steamer Trent, on their way to Europe to promote the cause of the insurgents.
Cruising in the Bahama Channel he intercepted the Trent on the 8th of November,
and took from her these dangerous men, whom he brought to the United States. His
vessel having been ordered to refit for service at Charlestown, the prisoners
were retained on board and conveyed to
The prompt and decisive action of
Captain Wilkes on this occasion merited and received the emphatic approval of
the Department, and if a too generous forbearance was exhibited by him in not
capturing the vessel which had these rebel emissaries on board, it may, in view
of the special circumstances, and of its patriotic motives, be excused; but it
must by no means be permitted to constitute a precedent hereafter for the
treatment of any case of similar infraction of neutral obligations by foreign
vessels engaged in commerce or the carrying trade.
A naval force, auxiliary to and
connected with the army movements on the Mississippi and its tributaries, has
been organized, and is under the command of Flag-Officer Andrew H. Foote, who is
rendering efficient service in that quarter.
The steamers which have been
built or purchased for this service by the War Department are of a formidable
character, and manned by a class of superior seamen and western boatmen, who, in
the preliminary skirmishes already, have done good service, and will, I am
confident, acquit themselves with credit in the future. Reports are appended
exhibiting some of the operations of this command as auxiliary to the military
movements on the Mississippi.
One method of blockading the
ports of the insurgent States, and interdicting communication as well as to
prevent the egress of privateers which sought to depredate on our commerce, has
been that of sinking in the channels vessels laden with stone. The first
movement in this direction was on the North Carolina coast, where there are
numerous inlets to Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds, and other interior waters,
which afforded facilities for eluding the blockade, and also to the privateers.
For this purpose a class of small vessels were purchased in Baltimore, some of
which have been placed in Ocracoke Inlet.
Another and larger description of
vessels were bought in the Eastern market, most of them such as were formerly
employed in the whale fisheries. These were sent to obstruct the channels of
Charleston harbor and the
Savannah River; and this, if effectually done, will
prove the most economical and satisfactory method of interdicting commerce at
Since the institution of the
blockade one hundred and fifty-three vessels have been captured sailing under
various flags, most of which were attempting to violate the blockade. With few
exceptions, these vessels were in such condition when seized as to authorize
their being sent at once to the courts for adjudication and condemnation as
THE FIGHT AT FORT PICKENS.
We illustrate on pages 792 and
793 the scene of the recent conflict at and around
Fort Pickens. At the hour we
write we are still without authentic advices from the scene of action. It
appears certain, however, that on 19th Nov. fire was opened by Fort Pickens on
the rebel works, and returned; that the mutual bombardment lasted all day, and
was resumed the next ; that after two or three days' firing both parties stopped
the engagement, and that matters now remain as they were. There are reports
that, Pensacola has been evacuated, and the Navy-yard burned—but nothing certain
is known on these points. The commander of the rebel forces is General Bragg,
who is supposed to have seven or eight thousand men; the commander of Fort
Pickens is Colonel Harvey Brown, who has sixteen hundred men under his command.
THE OCCUPATION OF TYBEE.
Commodore Dupont last week
transferred his flag from the Wabash to the Susquehannah, and, together with
General Sherman, landed a force of United States marines on
Tybee Island, who
commenced repairing the fortifications and constructing new ones. A fleet of
eight gun-boats is at anchor off Tybee to cover the troops in case of necessity.
The rebels sunk two vessels between Tybee Island and
Fort Pulaski, in the narrow
part of the Savannah River channel, to prevent the fleet from getting to that
city. A small schooner has been sent up to one of the islands above
to load cotton, and would sail in a few days, by order of the naval authorities.
An account from Savannah is
published in a Richmond paper to the effect that, on the 26th ultimo, Commodore
Tatnall, with three small rebel steamers and one gun-boat, attacked the Union
fleet in Cockspur Roads. The engagement lasted one hour, and from forty to fifty
shots were exchanged.
Our illustrations on page 797
represent a reconnoissance made toward Fort Pulaski by General Sherman, when
they were fired at by the enemy ; the general view of the coast, etc.