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Page) square miles of fertile soil, will not starve immediately. If a
piece of brown paper, by common consent, buys a loaf of bread, it is as good as
gold. Disaffection, disappointment, disgust there may be in individual cases,
and in the perhaps intentionally exaggerated rumors of designing stragglers. But
after fifteen months of war the rebels stand today bitter, defiant, desperate;
not hoping, of course, to subdue and overrun us, but expecting to hold out
fiercely until Europe interposes.
Let no one mistake what we are
saying. There is not the least reason for doubt in any loyal heart. But there is
every reason for keeping our eyes steadily open upon the facts. A man is not
depressed or gloomy because he thinks a huge and radical
is not a picnic, to be ended by an order of the day. If you expect to stand on
the top of the mountain you must climb, and slip, and sweat, and fall, and
bruise your shins, and up again, and up, and up. The job is difficult, so is
this rebellion. But it is not in Yankee nature to be foiled. The tougher the
resistance, the more resolutely, with grim good-humor, it settles itself to the
WHO DID IT?
INEVITABLY, after such severe
work as our soldiers have seen before Richmond, every body raises his head from
the details, and asks, Who did it? Who is responsible for it? Who shall be the
We are all responsible. It is
very easy, after any event has occurred, to see and to say how a different
combination might have produced different results. Suppose a storm had not
scattered the Spanish armada. Suppose Hampden and Cromwell had come to New
England. Suppose Julius Caesar had never crossed the Rubicon. Suppose Alexander
the Great had died of measles in his fourth year. Suppose the deluge had never
dried up. Suppose any thing you please as a premise, and you may suppose what
you choose as a logical conclusion. A month ago we all thought and said, " 'Tis
only a question of time. We shall have Richmond before the harvest." Even those
who did not like McClellan's politics, and those who did not have great faith in
his military genius, cried, "Of course. He must take Richmond. He can't help
Let us hope before these lines
are read that he may have it. But let us also not be too sure. And when we read
of the fighting and the carnage of the 28th, 29th, and 30th June, let us
remember that, pitiful as the story may be, all had doubtless been done in
preparation that the circumstances and the honesty of the leaders allowed. It
would have been better doubtless to have had an army of fifty thousand men in
the Shenandoah, and another of two hundred thousand in an airy and healthy and
impregnable position before Richmond, and another of fifty thousand upon the
Rappahannock, and a hundred thousand veterans around Washington. All this would
have been better without question. But the general conviction of the country and
of the Administration has been that there were men enough to do the work.
Senator Wilson is as earnest a friend of ample and vigorous measures as there is
in the country, but he thought and said long ago that we had plenty of men. It
must never be forgotten that we are learning to make war by experience. When it
is the universal conviction that half a million of volunteers are enough, a call
for a million, upon the plea that the more men the surer the result, would fall
heavily upon the public ear.
Let us all be our own scape-goats.
We can not blame McClellan that he is not in Richmond (if he is not), nor the
Mr. Stanton, nor the Cabinet, nor any individual. Suppose that
General McClellan asked for more troops. The
President would say, " I've none to
"But I must have them."
"I haven't got them."
"But, my dear Sir, it is a
military necessity, of which you are no judge."
"Very likely, my dear General,
but I am nevertheless, and unluckily, if you choose, Commander-in-Chief. I wish
I could see as you do, but I can not. I have no right to relinquish my own
judgment. In this case I do not feel that I ought to. I wish I had fifty
thousand troops to send you. I can call for them, if you say you must retire
without them; but there are not too many in the Shenandoah, nor before
Washington, and the West wants all it has."
"Very well, I understand; and I
will do the best I can."
Clearly neither of the two is to
be blamed. The difficulty is that there are not more men. That there ought to be
more is very evident, but that is a fact which the public just perceives. Our
delay before Richmond is as little any body's fault, and as much every body's
misfortune, as can well be.
"THE UNION AT ANY PRICE."
FOR a year we have been saving
that we wanted to save the Union at any cost. We are now called upon to show
that we mean what we say. We have perhaps thought that half a million of armed
men would suffice, that it was not necessary to employ any other means. But as
parents ask children "How much do you love me? A dollar's worth? Twenty dollars?
An apple?"—so we have now to ask ourselves how much do we love our Government
and the cause of civil liberty and human freedom. The question is perfectly
simple. If we can say truly that we love our country so strongly that we hold
nothing dearer, except justice and honor, then we are safe. If not, we are
already lost, and every one of our soldiers whom we henceforth allow to fall we
murder. Let us see, then, how much we do love it, and at what cost we are
willing to save it.
Mr. Ten Eyck, a Republican
Senator from New Jersey, says that he doubts whether his fellow-citizens would
fight for their country side by side with colored men. That is to say, their
prejudice against the colored race is dearer to them than the Union.
Another Senator says that
confiscating the property of rebels in arms is not to be thought of. A man may
be slaughtering our brothers, sons, and fathers, but we must respect his
property. Men who take this view are more unwilling to confiscate by proceedings
in rem than they are to see the country divided and lost.
Another party say that it is
frightful to think of General Hunter's regiment of colored men. If you ask them
whether they would not save the Union upon the very principle of the Union,
namely, the liberty of innocent men, they shake their heads. They would rather
the Government should be ruined and the nation lost than that those who have
been enslaved, in defiance of every human instinct and divine law, should be
These represent classes that have
been hitherto very large in the country. But they are classes that diminish
every day. It is gradually becoming plain to the blindest eyes that this country
can be saved only by the heroic effort of all her children. The authorities are
willing, but the people are the Government. The authorities must be stimulated
and supported by public opinion, and every man must help to make that. If the
world sees that we are trying with one hand to put down rebellion and with the
other to save rebels, it is idle to expect its assent to the continuance of a
war in which it has so much at stake. If, on the other hand, it sees that we
have learned what we are not to be reproached for not having earlier admitted,
that the extremest and most radical measures are not to be spared in the
suppression of this insurrection, the world will pause, for it will see a
purpose too dangerous and sincere to be trifled with.
The moral is radiantly clear. If
we value the Union more than the claim of the rebels to their slaves and their
property, we shall save it. If not, it is already lost. If we do not believe
that we can constitutionally take any step short of dishonor, which is necessary
for national self-preservation, then our salvation is constitutionally
DOUBLING THE CAPE.
IN the question of foreign
meddling there is one point which should be remembered. There is no doubt that
Mr. Yancey, upon the part of the rebels, offered as an inducement for foreign
emancipation of the slaves. When, therefore, it is thought by
Europe that the time has come to acknowledge the independence of the rebel
section, England will insist upon some scheme of emancipation as a condition. It
will do this because
abolition is the traditional British policy, and because
the English know perfectly well that the supply of cotton which depends upon
slave-labor is necessarily an uncertain supply, because of the precarious
condition of any
slave society. Some scheme of emancipation will therefore be
required, and it will be gladly granted by the rebels. Then what?
Then in fighting, as we have
hitherto been, the Government will be fighting for slavery under the Union; but
Europe and the South will be fighting not only for Southern independence, but
for universal Liberty. Is it not worth while for us to secure that advantage? Is
not almost time for the President to call upon all loyal men in the land to
rally to the support of the Government?
A NEW NOVEL.
"THE MORGESONS," the novel by
Mrs. Stoddard, wife of the poet, is a very striking story of a certain aspect of
New England life. With curious power and a kind of remorseless skill the author
invests the homely details of Yankee shore-life with the tragical gloom of Greek
fate. The detailed delineation of character and events, and the quiet reliance
upon the essential interest of the subject, are admirable. Indeed, there is an
intensity of reality in this story which will make the reader instinctively
wonder whether the author has not strictly followed Sir Philip Sidney's charge,
"Look into thine own heart, and write." Among the new novels "The Morgesons" is
worthy the attention of every reader who seeks a remarkable story, or who is
interested in American literature.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
IT is not always a mark of
frankness to possess an open countenance. An alligator is a deceitful creature,
and yet it possesses an open countenance when it is in the very act of taking
"How d'ye, broder?" "So se, me
tank ye; how you bin dis long time?" "Quite well, tank you. How you pass your
time now, broder?" Oh! me no pass me time at all, broder; me cock up me foot so
let time pass himself."
EPITAPH AT NESTON ST. NICHOLAS.
"Here lies a certain Elizabeth
She lived an old maid and she
died an old Mann."
GENT ON HORSEBACK. "Get out of
the way, boy,
get out of the way! My horse
don't like donkeys!"
Boy ON DONKEY. "Doan't he? Then
why doan't he kick thee orf?"
"Mr. Brown, I owe you a grudge,
remember that!" "I shall not be frightened, then, for I never knew you to pay
any thing that you owed."
Did you ever know a young lady
who was too weak to stand up at church who could not dance all night without
being tired at all?
The most infallible way of
preventing a kitchen door from creaking is said to be to engage a servant girl
whose sweet-heart comes to the house to see her.
"With all thy faults I love thee
still," as the man said to his wife when she was giving him a curtain lecture.
A COUPLE OF SHAMS.—A sham count
and a sham Abbe being in a company together, the count hearing the word Abbe
always bandying about was piqued, and asked the Abbe where his abbey lay? The
Abbe replied, "Bless me! do you not know it? It is in your county!
"Mother," said Ike Partington,
"did you know that the 'Iron Horse' has but one ear?" "One ear! merciful
gracious, child, what do you mean?" "Why, the engin-ear, of course."
McCLELLAN TO HIS SOLDIERS.
The following stirring appeal to
the Army of the Potomac was issued on the Fourth:
HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF THE
CAMP NEAR HARRISON'S LANDING,
July 4, 1862.
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN.
BATTLES IN A WEEK.
We give below the names of the
localities of the various battles which were fought by the contending armies
Richmond, during the week ending July 1:
Thursday, June 26—Battle
Friday, June 27—Battle of
Saturday, June 28—Battle
of the Chickahominy.
Sunday, June 29—Battle of Peach
Orchard; battle of Savage's Station.
Monday, June 30—Battle of White
battle of White Oak Creek; battle of Charles
City Cross Roads.
Tuesday, July 1—Battle of Turkey
REBEL LOSSES THEREIN.
The rebel accounts of the late
battles, published in the Richmond papers, admit a heavy loss on the side of the
enemy, and would imply that they suffered terribly—far more so in dead than we
did. The Richmond Examiner, for instance, states that out of one division of
rebels engaged in Sunday's fight, only six thousand could be mustered, when
fourteen thousand went into action. This exceeds by far any amount of loss which
our records show, in the same number of men,
General McClellan's army had
another skirmish with the enemy on Friday last on our left wing, which resulted
in the total defeat of the rebels, and the capture of one thousand of their men
and three batteries. Our cavalry followed up the enemy through the White Oak
A CALL FOR MORE TROOPS.
A document was presented to the
President on 1st July, signed by the Governors of eighteen States—namely: Maine,
New Hampshire, Vermont, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, Virginia, Michigan, Tennessee, Missouri, Indiana, Ohio, Minnesota,
Illinois, Wisconsin, and the "President of the Military Board" of Kentucky,
stating that they were of one accord in the hearty desire that the recent
successes of the Federal arms may be followed up by measures which must insure
the speedy restoration of the Union; and believing that, in view of the
important military movements now in progress, and the reduced condition of our
effective forces in the field, the time has arrived for prompt and vigorous
measures to be adopted by the people in support of the great interests of the
country, they request that he shall call upon the several States for such
numbers of men as may be required to fill up all military organizations now in
the field, and add to the army such additional number of men as may be necessary
to garrison and hold all of the numerous cities and military positions that have
been captured by our armies, and to speedily crush the rebellion that still
exists in several of the Southern States, thus practically restoring to the
civilized world our great and good government.
To this appeal the President
replied that he decides upon calling for 300,000 more troops, chiefly infantry;
that he hopes they will be raised without delay, and that an order fixing the
quota required from each State will be issued by the War Department at once.
CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG.
It is started by the daily papers
that after a bombardment Vicksburg has been captured by Com.
Farragut's fleet. He ran by the batteries on
Wednesday, receiving a raking fire as his boats passed, but without suffering
any damage. Commodore Farragut, from below, and Captain Davis, from above, on
the Mississippi River, are now in communication, and therefore the whole river,
New Orleans, is in possession of our troops.
Vicksburg was nearly destroyed by the shells from our gunboats, and it is said
that General Butler is cutting a canal across the bend on which Vicksburg
stands, which will change the channel of the Mississippi entirely at that point.
BRILLIANT AFFAIR AT CORINTH.
A brilliant affair has recently
taken place at Booneville, below
Corinth, between a party of Colonel
Sheridan's Michigan cavalry and a superior body
of the rebels. Colonel Sheridan, it appears, had only 728 men under his command,
and although opposed to a force of 4700 rebels, succeeded in defeating the
latter after a desperate fight, which lasted seven hours. The loss on our side
was only forty-one killed, wounded, and missing. That of the enemy could not be
ascertained, but it must have been heavy, because sixty-five dead were found
upon the field. Major-General
Halleck, in officially announcing this magnificent encounter, very
properly recommends Colonel Sheridan for promotion.
ANOTHER SECESH GROAN.
IN the British House of Commons,
on the 19th of June, Mr. Lindsay, in postponing his notice on the subject of
England's relations with America until Friday, 11th of July, expressed a hope
that, the Government in the mean time would see the necessity of recognizing the
"independence" of the Confederate States, and of taking the matter out of the
hands of private numbers, as it was "perfectly clear the Confederate States were
now able to assert their independence."
THE MEXICAN AFFAIR.
The Emperor of France has
determined to send such an army to Mexico as will force its way to the capital
against all obstacles. Admiral la Graviere is to take the command of a large
concentrated naval force of France in the waters of America, the Paris Patrie
saying that such a step is justified by events which "may arise out of the
American war and Mexican affairs."
DEBATE IN THE CHAMBER.
In the French Chamber of
Deputies, M. Jules es Favre censured the expedition to Mexico, and demanded an
explanation of its purport. He argued that the honor of France required that she
should treat with Mexico and withdraw. M. Billault, in reply, said that France
had insults to avenge upon the Juarez Government. He declared that the Emperor
would leave the people entirely free, when the French flag floats over the
capitol of Mexico, to vote for whatever government they might choose.
A gentleman who was rather
impatient at table declared he wished he could manage without servants, as they
were a greater "plague than profit." "Why not have a dumb waiter?" suggested a
friend. "Oh no," returned the other, "I have tried them—they don't answer."
A celebrated engineer being
examined at a trial, made use of the expression "the creative power of a
machine," upon which the judge somewhat offensively asked him what he meant by
the phrase. "I mean, my lord," said the engineer, "that power which enables a
man to convert a goat's tail into a judge's wig."
ON Monday, June 30, in the
Senate, a bill was introduced to punish persons giving or offering to give
members of Congress or officers of the government any consideration for
procuring contracts, office, or place under the United States Government. The
bill providing that vessels and goods belonging to loyal citizens, which have
been captured by the rebels, when retaken by the United States, shall be
delivered to the owners without salvage, was passed. The bill prescribing an
additional oath of office was also passed, as also the bill establishing certain
national arsenals. An executive session was held, and the Senate adjourned.—In
the House, the case of the New York Tribune, with regard to the lntelligencer
printing, was transferred from the Judiciary Committee to a select committee for
investigation. The remainder of the session was devoted to debate upon the bill
for the construction of a ship-canal from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi. A
motion to postpone the subject till the first Monday in January was negatived by
one majority, and the House adjourned.
On Tuesday, July 1, in the
Senate, the bill for the admission of Western Virginia into the Union as a State
was discussed at considerable length, the question being on the amendment
offered by Senator Sumner, prohibiting slavery in the territory after the 4th of
July, 1863. Without taking a vote on the proposition, the bill was laid aside,
and the Army Appropriation bill was taken up. The amendment limiting the number
of the rank and file of the army to 750,000 was stricken out, and an amendment
limiting the number of Major-Generals at forty, and the Brigadier-Generals to
two hundred was adopted. Several other amendments were adopted, and the bill was
then laid aside. A resolution, calling on the President for information as to
whether Mr. Fulton, the editor of the Baltimore American, has been arrested,
upon what charge, and for what reason, etc., was laid over. Some other business
of no general interest was transacted, and the Senate adjourned.—In the House,
the consideration of the Tariff bill was resumed in Committee of the Whole,
various amendments were adopted, and the bill passed. The bill providing for the
enlargement of the locks of the Illinois canal so as to admit of the passage of
naval vessels, with the amendment for the enlargement of the locks of the Erie
and Oswego canals, was laid on the table by two majority. Notice was given of a
motion to reconsider the vote, with the view of postponing the subject till
On Wednesday, July 2, in the
Senate, Senator Powell, from the Judiciary Committee, reported back the bill to
punish persons giving or offering to give consideration to members of Congress
for procuring Government contracts, etc, Senator Wright, of Indiana, offered a
resolution that, by the report of the Secretary of War of June 21, 1862, it
appearing that Senator J. F. Simmons, of Rhode Island, used his official
influence to procure a contract from the Government for one C. B. Schuberth, for
which it was agreed that he (Mr. Simmons) should receive $50,000, therefore the
said James F. Simmons be expelled from his seat in the Senate. The resolution
was laid over. The bill changing the grade of line officers of the navy,
creating admirals and commanders in addition to the present grades, was
discussed. The bill authorizing an additional issue of Treasury Notes was then
taken up, several important amendments adopted, and the bill passed, when the
Senate adjourned.—In the House, a resolution calling upon the Secretary of War
to communicate any information received by the Government from General McClellan
relative to the operations at White House was adopted. The motion to reconsider
the vote whereby the bill for the enlargement of the Illinois and New York
canal-locks was laid on the table was called up. A motion to lay the motion on
the table was negatived—56 against 71. Pending a call for the yeas and nays on
the main question, the subject was laid aside. A number of bills and resolutions
relative to naval affairs were then passed, and the House adjourned.
On Thursday, July 3, in the
Senate, a joint resolution adjourning Congress on the 10th inst. was laid over.
An executive session was held, and the Senate adjourned.—In the House, Mr.
Dunlap, of Kentucky, asked, but did not obtain, leave to introduce a resolution
declaring the sentiments contained in Major-General Hunter's letter relative to
arming of the slaves (read his the house on 2d) are eminently unjust to an
American Congress—an insult to the American people and to our brave soldiers—and
justly merit the consideration of this body. The Senate amendments to the
Treasury Note bill were reported to the Committee of Ways and Means. A bill
providing for the trial or discharge of State prisoners was introduced and
ordered to be printed. The Confiscation bill, as returned from the Senate, was
taken up, and the House non-concurred in the amendment substituting Mr. Clark's
bill for that of the House.
On Friday, July 4, in the Senate
no business of public importance was transacted.—The House was not in session.
On Saturday, July 5, the Senate
adopted a resolution calling for Colonel
Canby's reports of operations in New
Mexico. The General Pension bill was taken up, several amendments agreed to, and
the Senate adjourned.—In the House the Senate's amendments to the Treasury Note
bill were non-concurred in, and a committee of conference ordered. The Senate's
joint resolution fixing upon the first Tuesday in September as the time of
meeting at Chicago of the Pacific Railroad corporators was adopted. A joint
resolution was adopted authorizing the Secretary of War to furnish clothing to
wounded and sick soldiers as a substitute for that lost by the casualties of
war. A resolution was adopted calling on the Secretary of War for information
whether any member of Congress has been interested in contracts since the 1st of
April last. The remainder of the session was devoted to discussing the report of
General Hunter on the subject of arming negroes.
On Monday, July 7, in the Senate,
the Finance Committee reported back the Tariff bill with amendments. Senator
Chandler offered a resolution, which lies over, calling on the Secretary of War
for copies of all orders of the Executive to General McClellan relative to the
advance of the Army of the Potomac on Richmond, and all the correspondence
between the said General McClellan and the Executive from the date of the order
of the 22d of February to the advance on Manassas up to May 1; also a statement
of the numerical force of the Army of the Potomac, as shown by the roll in
November, 1861, and in January, February, and March, 1862; also the number of
troops General McClellan took from Fortress Monroe, the number at the fortress,
and the reinforcements sent to him up to June 1, 1862. A Committee of Conference
was ordered on the Treasury Note bill, and afterward the bill was passed. The
general Pension bill was also passed. The bill to provide provisional
governments in certain cases was then taken up, and a long and interesting
debate ensued. Without taking action on the bill the Senate adjourned.—In the
House, Mr. Diven, of New York, asked the House to excuse his colleagues, Messrs.
Van Valkenburg and Pomeroy, and himself, from service for the remainder of the
session, as they desired to return to their respective districts to aid in
raising troops. The request was granted. The Senate bill establishing arsenals
at Columbus, Ohio, Indianapolis, Indiana, and Rock Island, Illinois, for the
deposit and repair of arms, etc., was passed. The Senate bill to carry into
effect the treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the African
slave-trade was passed.