Slaves to be Paid in Louisiana


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Civil War Harper's Weekly, February 28, 1863

Welcome to our online archive of Civil War Harper's Weekly newspapers. We have created this online resource to help facilitate a more in depth understanding of this important period in American History. We hope you enjoy this incredible collection.

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Joe Hooker

General Hooker



Slaves Paid

Slaves to be Paid

Colored Troops

Colored Troops

Blockade Runner

Queen of the West Runs Blockade

Slave Chart

Slave Chart

Louisiana Colored Troops

Louisiana Colored Troops

Copperhead Cartoon

Copperhead Cartoon

Queen of the West

Queen of the West

Rappahannock River

Rappahannock River

Southern Map

Southern Slave Map

Army Pay-Day

Army Pay-Day



FEBRUARY 28, 1863.]



(Previous Page) know. They are an inferior race. Good Heavens, what heels! They are much better off when they are enslaved. It's so Christianizing! Every slave region reeks with the Christian virtues. Every body knows—ask the worthy Rabbi, or any money-changer of his faith, if it is not so—that the Hebr— that is to say, the Africans, have a natural aptitude for being outraged.

Let the Hebrew Shylock answer for every man of every race whose equal human rights are denied:

"He hath disgraced me.... and what's his reason? I am a Jew. Hath not a Jew eyes? Hath not a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, warmed and cooled by the same summer and winter as a Christian is? If you prick us, do we not bleed? If you tickle us, do we not laugh? If you poison us, do we not die? And if you wrong us, shall we not revenge?"

O! worthy Rabbi, is it not, upon the whole, cheaper to treat men as born to be men?


THE friends of the rebellion at the North are beginning to quote the London Times in support of their positions. They are wise. They have not a stronger ally than that paper. There has been no more constant, false, venomous, and unscrupulous enemy of this country and its Government, than the London Times; and those who are engaged in helping the rebels destroy it by insisting that it has no right to use all its powers to serve itself will find their arguments much more strongly and rabidly stated by the London Times than they are by the Richmond Enquirer or the Granada Appeal, or by any of the papers which the Delmonico Committee propose to circulate among the troops.

Lest, however, any honest man, who is not in the habit of seeing the London Times, or who has no opportunity of knowing its sentiments, should wish to understand what views are held by a sheet which furnishes arguments and quotations to those who are trying to paralyze the Government of the United States, we submit a short extract from a late number, which is the key-note of all it thinks and says of this country and the war:

"The United States have been a vast burlesque on the functions of national existence: and it was "The United States have been a vast burlesque on the functions of national existence: and it was Mr. Russell's fate to behold their transformation scene, and to see the first tumbles of their clowns and pantaloons."

When American citizens find it convenient to their purpose to quote from a foreign paper which speaks of us in this way, even in a review of a book, what probably is that purpose?


A MR. WALL, of New Jersey, who was elected United States Senator by a majority of the Legislature of that State because he had been arrested as dangerously disloyal to the United States Government, in a late speech in the Senate quoted the London Times in support of his repetition of the stale old untruth that the West India emancipation had left the colored race in a worse condition than it was in slavery. Mr. Senator Wall ought to know that the London Times is no more an authority upon that question than John C. Breckinridge upon the Constitutional duty of American citizens, or the New Jersey Legislature upon patriotism. The authority in the Jamaica question is the word of the Governor of the colony; and we commend some passages in his report for 1861 to the consideration of Mr. Senator Wall and other statesmen who devote themselves exclusively to exciting the prejudice of one part of their fellow-citizens against another. Governor Darling says:

"The proportion of those (colored men) who are settling themselves industriously upon their holdings, and rapidly rising in the social scale, while commanding the respect of all classes of the community, and some of whom are, to a limited extent, themselves the employers of hired labor, paid for either in money or in kind, is, I am happy to think, not only steadily increasing, but at the present moment is far more extensive than was anticipated by those who are cognizant of all that took place in this colony in the earlier days of negro freedom.

"There can be no doubt, in fact, that an independent, respectable, and, I believe, trust-worthy, middle class is rapidly forming ......If the real object of emancipation was to place the freed man in such a position that he might work out his own advancement in the social scale, and prove his capacity for the full and rational enjoyment of personal independence, secured by Constitutional liberty, Jamaica will afford more instances, even in proportion to its large population, of such gratifying results, than any other land in which African slavery once existed.

"Jamaica at this moment presents, as I believe, .... the strongest proof of the complete success of the great measure of emancipation as relates to the capacity of the emancipated race for freedom."

The Governor then proceeds to speak of the decline in commercial importance of the colony, stating the reasons for it, and opening another question. Of course the only answer to these thoughtful and temperate official statements is that Governor Darling is probably a "d—d abolitionist." For slavery, reduced as it is in the discussion to the last extremity, politically, socially, industrially, and morally, has no other reply left than "d—d abolitionist." And even that valorous and sagacious argument is already staggering on its last legs. For Beauregard the Great calls all Lincoln hirelings and Northern refuse, whatever their views of slavery may be, "abolitionists."

Meanwhile Governor Darling's report entirely annihilates the wild talk of the London Times quoted by Senator Wall.  


Is the French yellow-covered literature which the Emperor has lately published, the letters of M. Mercier, the French minister in this country, are the most interesting pages to us. The sympathies of M. Mercier have been well known from the beginning of the war. They have been more than once set forth in this paper. But there has been no such

plain statement of them as he makes in a letter to his chief, M. Thouvenel, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, immediately after the autumn elections. He writes under date of November 10, 1862: "But if it (the war) should be restrained within the limits and principles and rights recognized by the Constitution, it would not completely attain its aim."

That is to say, that the Union can not be constitutionally maintained; that the Government can not defend itself without overthrowing the Constitution.

This is a doctrine which M. Mercier learned from his friends the rebels. It is the doctrine which was held by Mr. Buchanan and his friends. Mr. Buchanan said in his message that people had no right to destroy the Government, but if they tried, the Government had no right to help itself. "None at all," said Mr. Mason, cheerfully, and Mr. Hunter, and Mr. Slidell, and Mr. Benjamin, at those charming soirees and dinners of which his Excellency the French Minister was an ornament.

Nor was it the doctrine of the President's cabinet and the Washington salons only. Mr. Russell, of the London Times, describes a series of agreeable breakfasts and dinners made in his honor in New York upon his arrival, at which precisely the same "Conservative" sentiments were expressed. He records that the general opinion seemed to be that the Constitution could not be constitutionally saved. If it were only vigorously attacked it had no power of resistance whatever. And the London Times gives as its last opinion of the war, a repetition of the twaddle of rebellious circles in Washington, and of circles wishing them well in New York, and of an imbecile President's message, and a knavish cabinet's counsel, that it is simply a failure of the American Constitution.

M. Mercier gravely writes this failure as a fact. But if he had lived less in the city of Washington and more among the people of the country—if he had learned that the sentiment of card parties in Washington, and of dinner parties in New York, is not the public opinion of this nation, he would not have allowed his sympathy and hopes to prevail against his better knowledge and his common sense. For if there be any plain dictate of common sense it is, that so vast and powerful a nation as this does not submit to dismemberment or annihilation without a struggle, and that the instinct of self-preservation which leads a man to defend himself inspires a great people to maintain their political existence by every means at their command.

M. Mercier may learn something of this truth by watching affairs in Mexico. He and his master will learn it to their fullest satisfaction by looking sharp at the American people.


IN these sober times the painters are still busy in their studios, and it is a curious relief from the stern excitement of the war to step into their quiet rooms and see the tranquil streams, meadows, grazing cattle, and hazy mountains. Mr. T. Addison Richards, the artist and well-known Secretary of the National Academy, proposes a sale of some of his paintings, sketches, and studies—landscapes, fruits, and flowers, to the number of about 150, at the Derby Gallery on the 24th of February. The visitors to the annual exhibitions need no introduction to his name; and we hope that every landscape in the collection will prove to be the site of a gold mine, and that every placid stream may be covered with that choicer game than canvas-backs, green-backs.


IN speaking of this pleasant and valuable little volume a fortnight ago, we know not under what misconception it was that we spoke of the authoress, Mrs. Sedgwick, of Lenox, Massachusetts, as having relinquished her school. We hasten to correct the mistake. She still talks with her pupils who are about her, as well as with those who go to her school in the persons of their daughters. And the book is the pledge of the thoroughness, sagacity, and pure tone of all the influences of the school.


A LATE colonel, well known for his gigantic size and burly deportment, being once importuned by a diminutive tradesman for the payment of a bill, exclaimed, "If you were not such a little reptile I would kick you down stairs." "Little reptile?" repeated the creditor. "And what if I am? Recollect, colonel, that we can't all be great brutes."

A sentimental young man thus feelingly expresses himself: "Even as Nature benevolently guards the rose with thorns, so does she endow women with pins."

The lady whose heart "swelled with indignation" has had it reduced with poultices.

Not many months ago, a Philadelphia friend, who rejoiced in the name of Comfort, paid his devoirs to a young and attractive widow, named Rachel H—, residing on Long Island. Either her griefs were too new or her lover too old, or from some other cause, the offer was declined. Whereupon a Quaker friend remarked that it was the firot modern instance he had known where Rachel refused to be Comforted.

Never quarrel with a lady. It you are troubled with her, retreat; if she abuses you, be silent; if she tears your cloak, give her your coat; if she boxes your ear, bow to her in return; if she tears your eyes out, feel your way to the door, and—fly!

A correspondent of a contemporary says: "It is my duty to impress upon you the certain fact that one-half of one young people lose their senses when they lose their hearts. One of our party has already written five letters to his lady-love, and he goes about groaning and sighing in a most pitiable manner. He has no appetite, and sleeps up at the top of the house, close to the moon. He can not stand by one of the columns of the piazza without putting his arm round its waist, and I caught him kissing an apple to-day because it had red cheeks."

An Irishman, being a little fuddled, was asked what was his religious belief. "Is it me belafe ye'd be asking about?" said he. "It's the same as the widdy Brady. I owe her twelve shillings for whisky, and she belaves I'il never pay her; and, faith, that's my belafe too."

PATENT MEDICINE.—A young lady was recently cured of palpitation the heart by a young M.D. in the most natural way imaginable. He held one of her hands in his, put his arm round her waist, and whispered something in her right ear.

A printer out West, whose office is half a mile from any other building, and who hangs his sign on the limb of a tree, advertises for an apprentice. He says, "A boy from the country preferred."

A CURIOSITY.—The very last curiosity spoken of in the papers is a wheel that came off a dog's tail when it was a waggin'. The man who has discovered it has retired from public life.

"Doctor, that 'ere rat's-bane of yourn is fust-rate," said a Yankee to a village apothecary. "Know'd it I know'd it!" replied the pleased vendor of drugs. "Don't keep nothing but fust-rate doctor's stuff." "And, doctor," said the joker, coolly, "I want to buy another pound of ye." "Another pound!" "Yes, Sir; I gin that pound I bought the other day to a nibbling mouse, and it made him dreadful sick, and I'm sure another pound would kill him."

After quoting John Locke, that a blind man took his idea of scarlet from the sound of a trumpet, a witty fellow says that a hoop skirt, hanging out of a shop door, always reminds him of the peel of a belle!


What was Eve made for?

For Adam's Express Company.

Why are your nose and your chin always at variance?

Because so many words pass between them.

What fruit kept best in the ark?

The preserved pears (pairs).

Why should the number 288 never be named before ladies?

Because it is too gross (two gross).



ON Wednesday, February 11, in the Senate, a resolution to compensate the sailors of the gun-boat Cairo for loss of clothing was adopted. Reports adversely to the construction of a submarine telegraph along the Southern coast, to the construction of a military and post road from Washington to New York, and to the amendment of the Fugitive Slave act, were presented. The bill to increase the number of major and brigadier generals wee briefly discussed. The debate on the Currency bill was then resumed, and continued till the adjournment.—In the House, bills authorizing the preliminary steps to the admission of the Territories of Nevada and Colorado into the Union were reported. A bill was passed appropriating $7212 to pay for slaves, under the Emancipation act, in cases where the claimants, for no default of their own, were prevented from filing their claims within the prescribed time. The Naval Appropriation bill was then taken up in Committee of the Whole. The amendment ordering the discharge of seventy-six midshipmen appointed by the Secretary of the Navy was adopted. An amendment, that while the rebellion lasts each Congressional district in the loyal States shall have one additional midshipman, to be appointed as heretofore, on the nomination of a member of the House of Representatives, and the delegates in the present House shall each be entitled to one additional midshipman, was agreed to, and the Committee rose and the House adjourned.

On Thursday, 12th, in the Senate, the bill providing a national currency was passed by a vote of 23 yeas to 21 nays. The bill granting pecuniary aid to Missouri in emancipating the slaves of that State was passed by a vote of 23 against 18. A message was received from the President, in response to a resolution of the Senate, transmitting a report from the Secretary of State, with the correspondence and papers concerning mediation or arbitration on the part of the French Government. The President was requested to communicate to the Senate any information he may have regarding the employment of negroes by the French army in Mexico. The bill to increase the number of major and brigadier generals was taken up, and a motion made to limit the increase to twenty major and fifty brigadier generals was adopted, and the bill was passed.—In the House, the bill providing a temporary government for the Territory of Montana was taken up. A motion to strike out the proviso prohibiting slavery in the Territory was rejected—39 against 96—and the bill passed. Montana is contiguous to the State of Oregon and Washington Territory. The consideration of the bill indemnifying the President for arrests made under the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus was postponed. In Committee of the Whole the Naval Appropriation bill was laid aside to be reported to the House. The bill making appropriations for fortifications was then taken up, and the sum of $200,000 for the defenses of Washington agreed to. The Committee rose, the bill was passed by the House, and the House adjourned.

On Friday, 13th, in the Senate, the Military Committee reported back Mr. Sumner's bill to raise three hundred thousand black soldiers, with the recommendation that it do not pass, because the authority intended to be granted is sufficiently granted by the act of July 17, 1862. At the expiration of the morning hour the bill to provide ways and means for the support of the Government was taken up, and the amendment taxing bank circulation one per cent. for two years, and two per cent. thereafter, instead of the sliding scale proposed by the House, was agreed to —20 against 16—and the bill passed by a vote of 32 against 4. The Senate then adjourned.—In the House, the Naval Appropriation bill was taken up. The amendment to dismiss the seventy-six midshipmen appointed by the Secretary of the Navy contrary to law was rejected. The House, by a vote of 77 against 44, agreed to the amendment striking out an appropriation of $463,300 for the New York Navy-Yard, and inserting $1,213,000 for a floating or sectional dry-dock of sufficient size and capacity for raising any of the vessels now built.

On Saturday, 14th, in the Senate, the bill providing a temporary Government for the Territory of Montana was reported back. The bill authorizing the issue of letters of marque and reprisal was taken up and debated for a short time. Senator Grimes offered a substitute, authorizing the President, in all domestic and foreign wars, to issue letters of marque as he deems fit, and make all needful rules and regulations. The Senate then went into executive session, and afterward adjourned.—In the House, reports from the Committee on Elections, adverse to the admitting of Messrs. J. B. M'Loud and John B. Rogers to seats as representatives respectively from Virginia and Tennessee, were adopted. The same Committee also reported adversely to the claim or Jennings Piggott as representative from the Second District of North Carolina. A bill to establish a Navy-yard at St. Louis was referred to the Committee of the Whole. The Iowa contested election case was taken up, and the House confirmed Mr. Vandever's right to represent the Second District of that State. The Indian Appropriation bill was taken up and amended, and the House adjourned.

On Monday, 16th, in the Senate, the Military Committee made a report relative to the case of Richard Thomas, otherwise called the "French lady," an inmate of Fort Lafayette. So far from Mr. Thomas being insane, as alleged, the surgeon at the fort reports him .n excellent health, but regards him as eccentric. The bill providing for the enrollment and calling out the militia of the country was then taken up. A number of amendments were offered, some of which were adopted, and at midnight the bill was passed.—In the House, the Indian Appropriation bill was reported from the Committee of the Whole, A resolution in favor of holding evening sessions was adopted. The remainder of the session was occupied in debating the Louisiana election case.

On Tuesday, 17th, in the Senate, the bill to prevent members of Congress and agents and officers of the Government from taking any consideration for procuring place, office, or contracts, was passed. The Finance Committee reported back the Fortification Appropriation bill without amendment. The bill authorizing letters of marque and reprisal was taken up, and after some debate a substitute

was offered by Senator Grimes and adopted, authorizing the President, in all domestic and foreign wars, to issue letters of marque, and make all needful regulations relating thereto. The bill was then passed by a vote of 27 against 9. The Naval Appropriation bill was reported back by the Finance Committee. A bill to guarantee to certain States a republican form of government was introduced. After an executive session the Senate adjourned.—In the House, the Military Committee were instructed to inquire into the efficiency of the medical department of the army under General Grant, and to report what legislation is necessary to secure the utmost possible skill and attention in the care of the sick and wounded soldiers. The Indian Appropriation bill was passed. The Louisiana election cases were then taken up, and the report declaring Messrs. Flanders and Hahn entitled to seats adopted by a vote of ninety-two against forty-four. Mr. Hahn immediately entered upon his duties; but Mr. Flanders was absent. The report of the Committee on Elections, adverse to the claim of Mr. M'Kenzie, of Virginia, was adopted. The Senate's amendments to the bill providing ways and means for the support of the Government were all acted on, and the House adjourned.


The President sent into the Senate last week a letter from M. Drouyn de l'Huys proposing to confer with the South with a view to peace.

"If the Cabinet of Washington," says he, "believes that it ought to repel any foreign intervention, could it not honorably accept the idea of direct informal conferences with the authority which may represent the States of the South?   The opening of informal conferences between the belligerent parties does not necessarily imply the immediate cessation of hostilities ......Representatives or Commissioners of the two parties could assemble at such point as it should be deemed proper to designate, and which could, for this purpose, be declared neutral."

Mr. Seward, in his reply to this dispatch, after a rapid survey of the present military situation in this country, tells the French Minister that the suggestion is not an extraordinary one, and it may well have been thought by the Emperor a feasible one. But, says he, it amounts to nothing less than a proposition that while this Government is engaged in suppressing an armed insurrection, with the purpose of maintaining the constitutional national authority and preserving the integrity of the country, it shall enter into diplomatic discussion with the insurgents upon the questions whether that authority shall not be renounced, and whether the country shall not be delivered over to disunion, to be quickly followed by anarchy. After thus putting aside the Imperial offer, Mr. Seward suggests that the true and constitutional forum for debate between the alienated parties is the Congress of the United States, where there are vacant seats inviting the Senators and Representatives of the discontented party who may be constitutionally sent there from the States involved in the insurrection.

Mr. Seward, in this dispatch, upholds with splendid power the national honor, and puts in the clearest light the national spirit and purpose. It is a document of extraordinary power and eloquence, and of unmistakable meaning, and in every respect is fully up to the height of the great argument.


The levees on the Mississippi side of the river, twelve miles below Helena, at Yazoo Pass, have been cut by oar forces. They have also been cut at Greenville, and on the Louisiana side, opposite Lake Providence. The object of this is to get to the rear of Vicksburg.



SOUTH CAROLINA, Feb. 11, 1863.

SIR,—In my previous dispatch, No. 70, written just as the mail was closing, I informed the department I would send a refutation, in official form, of the statement made in General Beauregard's proclamation as to the blockade of Charleston, published in the Charleston and Savannah papers, and accompanied by assertions made with the apparent sanction of certain foreign functionaries. The emphatic letter of Captain Turner (No. 1), the clear and decided statement of the officers (No. 2), which he forwards, together with the previous inquiries and examination of log-books made by Captain Gordon, of the Powhatan (who was the senior officer present previous to the arrival of the New Ironsides), and whom I had dispatched to Charleston the day of the raid, leave me nothing to add, save to call the especial attention of the department to the facts thus elicited.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,


Rear-Admiral commanding South Atlantic Blockading Squadron.

Hon. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.


The Louisville Convention resolves, adopted by a party vote in the Illinois House, have finally failed in the Senate —one Democratic Senator having suddenly died and three others voted with the Republicans against pressing the resolves at this time. So it is very probable that the Louisville gathering, which was to have convened on the 18th of next month, will fall through altogether. Even the New Jersey Legislature seems reluctant to inaugurate revolutionary proceedings, while that of Indiana hangs back, and even Kentucky has not yet acceded to the proposed Convention.


The Alabama arrived at Kingston, Jamaica, on 23d January. Captain Semmes was received by the merchants and citizens of Kingston in the Commercial Exchange on the 25th ult., after his arrival there, and was met with distinguished honor by our "neutral" British friends, who welcomed him and his pirate vessel with twice three vociferous cheers. The crew of the Hatteras, who were landed by the Alabama, are to be sent home on board the American ship Borodino, chartered by the American Vice-Consul for that purpose.


The planters of Louisiana are greatly exercised concerning the continual escapes of their slaves, and have held an important meeting at New Orleans in reference to the labor question. After much angry talk and a good deal of abuse of the Government, of which they are "registered enemies," they seem to have agreed at last to pay their slaves wages.




THE steamer Georgiana, the tender of the Alabama, was in the harbor of Holyhead, England, and went to sea on the 24th of January, bound for Nassau. She had a formidable crew of rough-looking men of almost every European nationality. She mounts twenty-eight guns, and carries out a quantity of tea and other necessaries for the use of the crew of the Alabama. A letter from Holyhead says: "Her crew—rather numerous, by-the-way—were all bearded like pards, and reminded the by-standers forcibly of Cooper's heroes. She is bound for America, and looks just the thing for running the blockade."



The Mexican nation are putting forth the most vigorous efforts for the defense of their country, while the movements of the French invaders are characterized by any thing but the dash and rapidity of movement which General Forey promised in his proclamation. The Emperor's direction to act promptly and decisively is apparently being carried out by the rule of inverse proportion. There have been several skirmishes between the Mexicans and French, in which the former have come if victorious. The attack on Puebla, so often deferred, has again been put off, and in the mean time the Mexican Commander Ortega is making it it sort of Sebastopol. The French trains and outposts continually suffer from the depredations of guerrillas and the fearful lasso of the wild Mexican. More than 1200 French mules have been taken by these men.




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