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Robert E. Lee Portrait
BY the Rappahannock's moonlit
waves Thousands are lying in quiet graves
But under its ever-throbbing
Are two that never shall taste of
They stood at night on the
Deathly foes in the hostile
And challenged each by the moon's
To meet in the stream in mortal
Naked they swam through the water
cold, That shuddered with horror as it rolled;
And the gleam of their white
limbs through the tide
Struck the faces pale that
They met where the stream is
still and deep,
Where the river-spirits float
With faces turned to the moon's
And the ocean rocking through
A cry went up through the
As they wildly closed in the
And the flashing waters shrank
From the scattered foam that was
tinged with red.
Then stillness fell on the air
While under the waters a spectral
Sunk with their white forms
In a knotted clash to the depths
And now and ever, night after
They close again in a ghostly
Two white wraiths gleam through
the throbbing flood,
And the foam around has the hue
Forever they close in the
Though their cry is faint and
their forms are dim;
And the sentinel knows 'neath the
Are two that never shall taste of
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 3, 1863.
THE SOUTH SUBMIT?
OUR foreign friends, unable any
longer to deny the successes of the Union arms, now take refuge in the general
assertion that, whip them as we may, the rebels will not submit. The cry is
re-echoed by the Copperhead organs North; they are satisfied that the more we
beat the enemy the stronger will grow his aversion for us and for the Union. And
the same song is sung by the ragged rebel officers whom we are lodging at Fort
Delaware, Johnson's Island, and other places of detention for prisoners of war.
They have stopped bellowing about the last ditch. It is now the last man who is
to die before the stars and bars sink into oblivion. They may be beaten,
decimated, driven from house and home, but they will never submit.
It would be easy to show that
this is the invariable talk of angry belligerents. The British were never going
to submit to the independence of the colonies; so said the King and a dozen of
his ministers. The French were never going to submit to be ruled by a Bourbon
again; yet Louis XVIII. was crowned quite quietly, and ate himself to death in
peace. Austria was never going to submit to the loss of Lombardy; yet she gets
on very well now with the re galantuomo. Russia was never going to submit to the
loss of Sebastopol; still she bore the event with fortitude when the time came.
The "last ditch and last man" talk is almost always indulged in by the leaders
of a belligerent army up to a certain point, mainly for the sake of keeping up
the spirits of their followers. But it is never carried into practice. The most
ardent and the most obstinate combatant will surrender when he can't do any
thing else. There are no more obstinate men in the South than George the Third
was, and certainly no more bitter pill can well be offered to any one than the
one that monarch gulped when he received Mr. Adams as United States Minister
Plenipotentiary: yet he swallowed it with a grimace.
To careful observers there are
not a few indications already, both of the preparations of the South for
submission, and of the manner in which they propose to submit. These are
especially noticeable along the
Mississippi River. When the war broke out the
rebels held the river from within twenty miles of Cairo to the mouth, and it is
fair to presume that, with a few isolated exceptions here and there, the
inhabitants of the Valley sympathized with the rebel cause. We have now
conquered the Valley, and driven off or scattered the insurgent armies. The
rebels have resorted to their only remaining resource—guerrilla warfare. But it
is obvious at a glance that the victims of this warfare are not the Northern
people or the Northern armies, but the few remaining Southern planters and their
families. A guerrilla band, with whatever purposes it may originally be
organized, becomes of necessity a mere band of robbers. To live, it must
plunder. To plunder safely, it must attack, not military posts or regiments, but
isolated houses and defenseless non-combatants. Plunder leads naturally to
murder, rape, and arson, and thus the establishment of a system of guerrilla
warfare, such as the rebel chiefs have authorized in the Mississippi Valley,
simply inflicts upon their own people, in their own country, the most horrible
sufferings, without injuring us in the least. What is the result? We have seen
within a week a letter from the largest
slaveholder in the State of
Mississippi, stating that the outrages of the guerrillas are intolerable, and
President Lincoln would only recall the decree of
annul the Confiscation Act," the people of that region would return to their
allegiance en masse. Newspaper correspondents all tell the same story. The
country is devastated, the people frantic; only let them have their slaves, they
say, and they will become our best friends. It is pretty clear that after a few
months or weeks more discipline under the regime they created, they will say no
more about conditions, but will beg for protection.
Further south, in Louisiana, the
same result is being reached by a different process. In that State the
guerrillas have not gained much headway. But several enterprising Northern men
have "squatted" on abandoned plantations, hired negro labor, and, though exposed
to repeated attacks from the rebels, and drafts upon their laboring force by the
Union generals, have done exceedingly well. We hear of one young man who has
made $50,000 in a single season; of others who have realized $20,000, $25,000,
and $30,000. The soil will yield as handsome harvests of cotton or sugar to a
squatter as to the owner of the fee. This sort of thing naturally extends
itself. There are plenty of Southerners who will become Union men for the sake
of a fat plantation, even if the original owner will not. And to us of the North
it matters very little who owns the land, so long as he behaves himself loyally.
The best guide, however, to the
change of sentiment which is going on at the South may be found in Missouri and
Kentucky. In those States, though they never actually seceded, the Pro-slavery
sentiment was as dominant at the outbreak of the war as in Tennessee and
Arkansas; and the difference between pro-slaveryism and rebellion is only one of
degree. In those days an Abolitionist was about as safe at Richmond or
Charleston as in Kentucky or Missouri. Now mark the difference. The Missouri
papers are full of appeals for mercy from the remnant of the pro-slavery men. It
is they who are down now, and the foot of the anti-slavery men presses pretty
heavily on their necks. The slave-owners of Western Missouri are being protected
against the bloody vengeance of the opponents of slavery by regiments of Kansas
troops, recruited from the Free State men, whom, five years ago, these very
Missouri border-ruffians did their best to exterminate. In Kentucky it is
becoming quite respectable to be an Abolitionist, and the slave-owners are
rapidly becoming afraid of their position, and nervous if our generals do not
leave troops near them. A leading Kentuckian assured a gentleman in this city
within a few days that, if the Union party had imagined they could elect Bramlette by 50,000 majority, they would have run straight-out Emancipationists,
and would have elected them. At the next election in Kentucky slavery will
receive its death-blow. We say that this change of sentiment in Missouri and
Kentucky supplies the key to the way in which the rebels of the further South
will submit; because it is evident at a glance that if you remove slavery, you
abolish the only substantial ground of difference between us and the rebels, and
it then becomes more their interest than ours to restore the Union.
We must not delude ourselves
about the end of the war. It has not come yet, and we have hard work before us
still—reverses as well as victories, long marches, cruel privations,
disappointments, and trials of patience. The rebels have still powerful and
veteran armies, which must be beaten and scattered before our work can be
pronounced complete. But we have made great, glorious progress since the spring,
and, however distant the end may be, it is much more certain than it ever was.
LAIRD'S AngIo-Rebel rams are not
going to sea without a struggle. On 8th September
Earl Russell informed
Adams that the Government would take the responsibility of detaining them, and
would send the case into the courts. Public opinion, it seems, had at last
compelled the tricksters in the British Government to make a show, at all
events, of enforcing their laws.
We must not be too precipitate,
however, in assuming that the rams will not get to sea. The latest Anglo-Rebel
pirate—the Georgia—was also arrested by the Government and held for trial. She
was, however, suffered to escape, and her armament was supplied her by another
British vessel, which met her off the coast of France. In that case, the
presumption and the evidence as to the destination of the vessel were as strong
as they will probably be in the case of the iron-clads. Every body concerned in
the trial knew perfectly well what the Japan, alias Georgia, was intended for.
Yet she escaped—simply because British officials were unanimous in their wish to
see our commerce destroyed for the benefit of that of Great Britain.
The fate of the iron-clad rams
will depend, not on the evidence adduced on the trial, but on the probable
capacity and readiness of this country to punish England if they are permitted
go to sea. If we seem willing and
prepared to make England responsible for these rams, they will be detained, with
or without evidence. But if the progress of the war appears to foreshadow rebel
successes, and a probable unwillingness or incapacity on our part to try
conclusions with a foreign power, the rams will be released, after going through
the form of a trial. It is impossible to read the English papers without
discovering that it was the astonishing capture of the Atlanta by the Weehawken,
after fifteen minutes' fight, that created that public opinion in England to
which alone we owe the present detention of Laird's ships.
BORDER STATE POLICY.
THE Copperhead journals try to
plume themselves upon Governor Bramlette's election in Kentucky, and have plenty
to say of Kentucky conservatism. Now as Mr. Wickliffe was the candidate of the
anti-war and anti-administration party, and was hopelessly defeated, it is
pretty clear that Kentucky decides for the war. How vigorously she wishes the
war waged, Governor Bramlette's message shows—a paper which has not been very
widely circulated in Copperhead circles. It may be cited as an exposition of the
present Border State policy.
Upon the great question of the
war itself the Governor says "We will not sanction acts violative of
constitutional right, but we will not therefore neglect the use of every
necessary means to protect and defend the Constitution against rebel efforts to
destroy it, merely because somebody does not understand or regard its provisions
as we do. ...Because we furnish the means we do not commit ourselves in favor of
the mode of applying them...It is ous duty to supply the means; the duty of
others to apply them....Our objection (to arming negroes) is not to the power,
'but to the policy.' For this, as well as other evils resulting from the
rebellion, we will.... appeal to the ballot-box as the corrective."
All this is intelligible, and not
less so is the following paragraph in which Governor Bramlette shows just how
far he sympathizes with Copperheads. "We can not too strongly condemn the
factious opposition of those who assail, not to correct, but for the purpose of
weakening the loyalty of the citizen, and fettering the movements of the
Government. We condemn, as treasonable, the efforts of those who attempt to
organize, under pretense of opposition to obnoxious war measures, a party whose
real purpose is not to correct the evils complained of, but use them as a
pretense for withholding the necessary supplies and aid for our defense, and
thus aid and assist the rebellion."
Two years ago the Border State
policy was to be let alone. Now it is an overwhelming support of the war against
rebellion by every means, and objecting to the black regiments merely as a
matter of expediency not of right. Two years hence, or sooner, it will be
Seymour ticket in the New
York election, the ticket for which he spoke, and which his friends nominated,
the ticket which every shade of Copperhead supports, and whose success every
rebel chief ardently desires—if this ticket, which Fernando and Benjamin
sustain, because, although not what they wanted, it is the best they could get
—is a "war ticket," why is it that its great advocate, Governor Seymour, and his
friends have always been such indifferent friends of the soldiers?
Last winter the citizen voters of
this State who are in arms for their country were deprived of their votes by
Governor Seymour and his friends.
On the 4th of July, when it was
known that at
Port Hudson, and
Gettysburg the soldiers were fighting
and falling in the most sacred cause, the friends of the Governor held a meeting
at the Academy of Music, and the Governor himself smilingly sneered at our
military operations; and while he defamed the Government and the loyal Staten
and deliberately hinted at a mob, had not a single word of sympathy for his
fellow-citizens in the field.
A little later, when the
rebellion was sorely smitten, and our own forces were returning in such numbers
as to make an immediate increase of the army most desirable for us, in order to
follow up the blows we had struck, and when, for the same reason, an appearance
of hearty unity and resolution at the North would have been of itself a
finishing blow, Governor Seymour and his friends were coquetting with a brutal,
sanguinary mob, and by every means delaying the advance of reinforcements.
The friends of the soldiers smile
as Governor Seymour and his "friends" ask their votes for the "Seymour war
ticket." A Seymour war, they have learned, is not waged against rebels, but
against the Government.
POINTS OF VIEW.
LOUIS NAPOLEON is called a shrewd
man. Let us see. He sends an army to Mexico. The General declares that his only
object is to protect the people in choosing a Government to please themselves.
Having beaten the Mexican armies and bombarded the Mexican cities, he appoints a
commission of persons whom Mexico distrusts, and this commission names a
triumvirate of men whom the Mexicans hate. This authority, appointed and
sustained by French arms, changes the government to an empire, and offers the
crown to an Austrian Prince, and, if he declines, to Louis Napoleon as trustee.
In this state of things Louis Napoleon's Parisian organ inquires what the United
States will probably say; and answers its own question by remarking, "Unless he
would deny to the Mexicans the right of managing their own affairs the
Washington Secretary of State
would be obliged to accept as legitimate the return of Mexico to Monarchy."
Let us now put the boot upon the
other foot. If the United States should send an army to Italy, and having
defeated the Italians in the field, should install Mazzini as Dictator, and he
should decree a Republic, unless the French Emperor would deny to the Italians
the right of managing their own affairs, he would be obliged to accept as
legitimate the establishment of the Republic in Italy.
If Louis Napoleon is a shrewd
man, he is certainly not very shrewdly defended.
FEE, FAW, FUM.
THE most manly, frank, fair, and
honorable of New York newspapers, in the same way that Benedict Arnold was the
most patriotic of our Revolutionary heroes, asks whether Andrews, the rioter,
was not "sent on here to get up a riot, in order to have a pretext for declaring
martial law in New York?" Of course he was; and it was only another instance of
"Gorilla Lincoln's" utter disregard of the Constitution. It was part of the
nefarious plot by which he called all the militia regiments out of the city in
order that Andrews might have full swing. It belongs to the same scheme by which
Lincoln procured the escape of Lee's army in order to have a fresh excuse for
invading Virginia and shooting our innocent brethren of "the South." In fact, it
is equally notorious with his getting up the riots that Old Abe put
up to rebellion in order to have an excuse for raising an army and navy to
exterminate every vestige of Constitutional right and trample upon all the
liberties of every citizen; and then to found an Oriental despotism upon our
ruin, change his name from Abe to Tamerlane, and grind our bones to make his
DANIEL COME TO JUDGMENT.
GOLDWIN SMITH, Professor of
History at Oxford, and one of the noblest and most faithful of our friends in
England, made a speech last April urging the British Government to prevent the
sailing of pirates from British ports. The London Times denounced the meeting
and the speeches, and branded as "traitors" those who demanded that the duties
of neutrality should be more strictly performed.
Mr. Smith has now written a
letter recalling these facts, quoting the spirit of the speeches and the
comments of the Times, and then citing extracts from the late articles of that
paper upon the subject in which his own conclusions are urged, although upon
meaner grounds, and he concludes: "After this, Sir, I think we are entitled to
ask, who are the 'traitors' to the honor of England, those who in April last
counseled her to listen to the voice of justice, or those who, having at that
time counseled her to be deaf to the voice of justice, now counsel her to listen
to the voice of fear?"
Goldwin Smith is one of the
English names which will be very precious to us hereafter.
England of Bright and Cobden,
Cairns and Mill, You are the England of John Milton still.
WHO IS THE DEMOCRAT?
A COPPERHEAD authority complains
that Vice-President Hamlin lately addressed "small political gatherings at the
cross-roads and in the taverns of the rural districts of Maine." The critic
claims, of course, to be peculiarly Democratic. But he has yet to learn that at
just such cross-road, and district school-room, and tavern-parlor meetings the
public opinion is educated and formed which governs the country. And it is the
glory of our system that no office exalts a man beyond his duties as a citizen,
one of the first of which is the instruction and enlightenment of his neighbors.
When John Quincy Adams, having been President, goes to Congress as a
Representative, he illustrates perfectly the truly democratic character of our
institutions. And when Mr. Hamlin, being Vice-President, confers with his
fellow-citizens upon their public duty in a time of great national peril, it is
a signal example which every faithful American will emulate. It is not those who
cry "Lord, Lord," who are most religious. Nor is it those who call themselves
"Democrats" who are most
democratic. It would be hard to find in our history two
men more simply, honestly, and entirely democratic than Abraham Lincoln and
"THE Bivouac and the
Battle-Field," by Captain G. F. Noyes (Harpers), is one of the personal memoirs
upon which the historian of the war will depend for his most picturesque and
animating passages. It is a record of the personal experience of one of
Doubleday's first staff in Virginia, told so simply, nimbly, and graphically,
that the reader who gives up in despair the elaborate and scientific accounts of
military life and movement will at once comprehend the daily routine of a
soldier in active service. It is full of anecdote, of incident, and of striking
descriptions, and is a most delightful and instructive volume.
"Revised United States Army
Regulations of 1861," with an appendix containing the changes and laws affecting
army regulations and Articles of War to June 25, 1863. (G. W. Childs,
Philadelphia.) This seems to be a complete body of military details. The duties
of officers and men, volunteers and drafted soldiers, proceedings in civil
courts and instructions in cases of army claims, encampments, marches, guards,
military law, subsistence, equipments, are all explained; and every subject is
accessible by the most carefully elaborated and comprehensive index. A military
authority declares the work to be essential "to every officer, every office, and
as many of our intelligent soldiers as possible," the old copy being obsolete.
And if essential to military men, it is at this time a most interesting book for
civilians to consult.