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HARPER'S WEEKLY.
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER, 19,1864.
THE ELECTION.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND
ANDREW JOHNSON have been elected, by enormous
and universal majorities in almost all the States, President and Vice-President
of the United States for the next four years. This result is the proclamation of
the American people that they are not conquered; that the rebellion is not,
successful ; and that, deeply as they deplore war and its inevitable suffering
and loss, yet they have no choice between war and national ruin, and must
therefore fight on. In an unfortunate moment for himself
General McCLELLAN
permitted his name to be used as the symbol of the cowardice and subjugation of
his fellow citizens, and from that moment his defeat was a foregone conclusion.
The moral effect of the election
both at home and abroad will be of the most impressive character. It shows our
foreign enemies that they have nothing to hope from the divisions of this
country, while the rebels will see in it the withering and invincible purpose of
their loyal fellow citizens, who ask of them nothing but obedience to the
Constitution of the United States, and the laws and acts made in pursuance of
it. Whenever they shall choose to overthrow the military despotism that holds
them fast--whenever they shall see that no great section of this country can,
under equal and respected laws, have any permanent and profound interest
different from all the rest—then they will find that the loyal men of the
country are longing to throw down their arms and cement a Union that shall be
eternal.
But the lesson of the election
is, that every constitutional act and law must be absolutely respected. There
must be no threats, no revolts, and no hope of extorting terms by arms. The
Constitution is the sole condition of the Government; and if citizens differ as
to what is constitutional, that difference must be peacefully and
constitutionally settled. This is what the people have declared by four years of
war, and this is what they confirm by the re-election of Mr. LINCOLN. In
himself, notwithstanding his unwearied patience, perfect fidelity, and
remarkable sagacity, he is unimportant; but as the representative of the feeling
and purpose of the American people he is the most important fact in the world.
One other of the most significant
lessons of the election is, that the people are conscious of the power and force
of their own Government. They expect the utmost vigor in the prosecution of the
war by every legitimate method, and they naturally require that the authority of
the Government, which is to be established by the continuance of the war, shall
not be endangered by its end. When the authority of any Government is openly and
forcibly defied it must be maintained unconditionally by arms. When that
authority is established and unquestioned, every wise Government will be
friendly, patient, conciliatory, but firm and just.
Yet the grandest lesson of the
result is its vindication of the American system of free popular government. No
system in history was ever exposed so such a strain directly along the fibre as
that which ours has endured in the war and the political campaign, and no other
could possibly have endured it successfully. The result is due to the general
intelligence of the people, and to the security of perfectly free discussion.
Let that be maintained and jealously defended by all parties in the land, at
every country cross road, and in every city and State, and the Union and the
Government are forever secure. They have been maintained by the authority of the
Government itself, and we see the result. Thank God and the people, we are a
nation which comprehends its priceless importance to human progress and
civilization, and which. recognizes that law is the indispensable condition of
Liberty.
BRYANT'S BIRTHDAY
THE Century Club in New York grew
out of the Sketch Club some twenty years ago. The Sketch Club was a private
social assembly of men interested in literature and art which pleasantly
combined sandwiches with aesthetics, and oysters with criticism. Composed of men
of every pursuit, it was a cultivated, genial, sympathetic society, of which we
speak in the past tense, yet which we believe still survives. But it had a name
only, and no local habitation. It was a shifting feast from house to house of
the members. The " Century" was founded as a proper club. It was the natural
fruit of the winged seed of the Sketch Club; it struck root and flourishes
perennial.
The Saturday evenings at the
Century are memorable to many whose feet seldom cross its threshold now. They
ring still in the past with wit and song and laughter. The authors and artists
of New York and men of cultivated and generous sympathies have been always
counted among its members, and the wandering authors and artists of other
countries have been gladly
hailed as its guests. Among its
founders was
WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, and upon the recent return of his birthday,
when he completed his seventieth year, his fellow members of the Century made a
festival to express their respect for the man and their honor for the poet.
The Century was already famous
for its festivals. For many years it had annually celebrated Twelfth Night, and
there have been many a beautiful and happy holiday there of which no public
mention was made. The artists who are members always secure a picturesque grace
and point in the decorations and the noble drawing room of the Club house is a
fit scene for the sparkling and illustrious company which the feasts assemble.
Here, on the evening of the 5th of November, the members of the Century and an
illustrious company of invited guests assembled. The great room was decorated
with flowers, wreaths, the national colors, pictures and statues Upon a
slightly-raised platform stood Mr. BRYANT and Mr. BANCROFT, the historian,
President of the Club, surrounded by groups of friends, among whom were EMERSON,
WILLIS, HOLMES, STREET, TUCKERMAN, TAYLOR, BOKER, STODDARD, READ, and others.
The President made a speech of congratulation and hope, to which Mr. BRYANT
fitly and modestly responded. A chant for the poet's birthday by BAYARD TAYLOR,
the music by the artist LOUIS LANG, was then sung by the choir boys of Trinity
Church, Letters were read from the absent poets LONGFELLOW, HALLECK, WHITTIER,
and LOWELL, followed by a short speech from EMERSON, and the recitation of poems
by Messrs. HOWE, BOKER, and HOLMES. More letters were read more poems from
STODDARD and STREET; more speeches; and an album of original sketches by the
most eminent American artists was presented to Mr. BRYANT with a proper stand
from various members of the Club, Mr. HUNTINGTON, President of the National
Academy, spoke for the artists, and the guest of the evening replied. Then there
was supper, and at midnight the feast ended amidst the most friendly hilarity.
There is something very
impressive in this purely literary festival upon the eve of the most important
election that has occurred in the country. But it is impossible not to remember
that the poet BRYANT is no dreamer. Like JOHN MILTON'S, his is no fugitive
virtue cloistered and unbreathed, and his name will shine in our history like
that of MILTON in the English, with the twin lustre of patriotism and poetry.
STODDARD'S lines are as true as melodious when he says, speaking of the country
which BRYANT has loved so well, and has so faithfully served :
"And now, even in her sorest
need,
Pale, bleeding, fain in every
limb,
She still remembers what he is,
And comes to honor him.
"For hers, not ours, the songs we
bring,
The flowers, the music the light;
And 'tis her hand that lays the
wreath
On his gray head tonight."
THE WARNING OF HISTORY
UNDER the title "State Rights, a
photograph from Ancient Greece" (Munson, Albany), Professor TAYLOR LEWIS, one of
the most distinguished Grecians in the country, has rendered that country a
signal service. The intention of his pamphlet is to show, from the history of
Greece, the inevitable ruin that results from the system which we call State
sovereignty. The execution of the work is masterly. The style is sinewy,
sparkling, and trenchant, and the comprehensive argument, copious in scholarly
illustration and impregnable in reasoning, has an impassioned glow and tension
which recall the nobler works of the nation from whose history the argument is
drawn. There is no work upon this momentous topic in all our political
literature which is more complete or more richly rewards thoughtful study than
this little treatise of Professor LEWIS.
It was issued before the
election, but its importance is not limited by any such event. For it discusses
the fundamental principle of the rebellion, the principle which must be
thoroughly exposed and rejected before there can be national peace. The war is
the conflict between National and State sovereignty. The rebellion was only
possible upon that ground. Foreseeing that the development of our civilization
would sooner or later show the exact relation between injustice and individual
interest, and that Slavery would be revealed as the fierce rival of free labor,
the Southern leaders prepared for the crisis, not by instigating a rebellion in
the name of Slavery, but by deluding the popular mind with the chimera of State
sovereignty. They knew that they could stimulate their followers by that appeal
when every thing else was impracticable. The argument was that the Constitution
was a treaty, a compact between sovereign powers, and that each power was the
sole judge when the terms of the compact had been infringed, and also of the
remedy. From this theory sprang the assertion that sovereign States could not
lawfully be coerced, and the demand of JEFFERSON DAVIS to be " let alone."
This is the future question of
the country. If secession be a reserved Constitutional right, as the rebels
claim, the right may be exercised at the will of a State for any purpose
satisfactory to itself. In the present instance the plea is
the protection of " rights,"
meaning Slavery. In another it will be "rights," meaning a tariff ; or some form
of taxation, or whatever the leaders may choose. But whatever the pretext the
principle appealed to is the principle of national disintegration and ruin. With
pathetic power Professor LEWIS summons wrecked and wretched Greece from her tomb
of a thousand years to show to the new world the wounds by which she fell, and
to plead as only woeful experience can, against the deep damnation of the taking
off of this nation.
THE GOVERNMENT.
EVERY man in the country should
resist the effort which is often made to represent " the Government" as an
independent and dangerous power. "The Government" does this, "the Government"
does that, we are told by fiery orators, as if the Government were an oppressive
and despotic tyrant.
That is a kind of talk which is
intelligible elsewhere, but which has no significance here. Our Government Is
not something above and beyond the people it is simply the constitutional
expression of the popular will. Consequently, to resist the Government is to
resist the people ; for the same instrument which establishes the constitutional
form of the Government also provides for correcting its errors and withstanding
any conceivable invasion of popular liberty. If, for instance, a man is of
opinion that any officer of the Government is exceeding his authority, he may
complain, and the law gives him the remedy. But to suppose that all the officers
of the Government, including, of course, the House of Representatives, are in
conspiracy against popular rights is ridiculous, because the people themselves
elect the Representatives every two years.
In any system, indeed, where
questions are decided by ballot there may be such fraud or force that the result
will not justly indicate the real wish of the people. But while such disturbing
elements are found at particular points, they can not exist universally without
betraying a condition of affairs which proves the popular system to be
impracticable. Nobody supposes, probably, that all the votes polled at a general
election in the city of New York are fair and lawful votes. The result in that
city can riot be held to indicate, according to the actual proportion, the ayes
and noes upon any question or candidate. When, therefore, there were the same
suspicion, the same uncertainty overhanging every poll in the country, there
would be a distressing doubt as to the real popular will, unless the figures
were palpably beyond the suspicion of fraud. But that very state of things would
reveal such an indifference, timidity, or acquiescence in fraud as virtually to
make the vote express the force, if not the actual numbers, of public opinion.
Votes are valuable when there are
men behind them, as EMERSON says of words. The question of this rebellion is
simply whether there are men behind the votes. If there are, then the Government
of the United States is merely the American people willing, speaking, and
acting. If there ere not, then the Government is a mask, which the most daring
hand will snatch and wear.
THE PRESIDENT AND THE
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.
WHEN the letters between the
President and
General GRANT upon the opening of the summer campaign were
published, we did not especially allude to them. But we now reprint them that
every man in the land may understand what cordial sympathy there is between the
two men. It is not easy to parallel, it is impossible to surpass, in history the
simple manliness of this correspondence Two honest, faithful, sagacious men, who
have one cause only at heart, that of the country who are each peculiarly
representative of' a certain indomitable patience and tenacity which is
characteristically American, are providentially in this emergency at the head of
our civil and military administration. If the Government had always been in such
hands we should have had no war to deplore. Let every citizen at home and
soldier and sailor in the service carefully read and ponder these letters :
"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON
April 30, 1864. "Lieutenant-General Grant "
"Not expecting to see you before
the spring campaign opens. I wish to express in this way my entire satisfaction
with what you have done up to this time so far as I understand it. The
particulars of your plans I neither know. nor seek to know. You are vigilant and
self reliant; and pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any restraints or
constraints upon you. While I am very anxious that any great disaster, or
capture of our men in great numbers, shall be avoided, I know that these points
are less likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. If there be
any thing wanting, which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me know
it.
"And now, with a brave army and a
just cause, may God sustain you. Yours, very truly,
"A. LINCOLN." GRANT'S REPLY.
" HEAD-QUARTERS ARMIES OF THE
UNITED STATES,
CULPEPPER COURT-HOUSE, May 1,
1864.
" THE PRESIDENT,—Your very kind
letter of yesterday is just received. The confidence you express for the future
and satisfaction for the past in my military administration is acknowledged with
pride. It shall be my earnest endeavor that you and the country shall not be
disap-
pointed. From m§ first entrance
into the volunteer service of the country to the present day I have never had
cause m complaint, have never expressed or implied a complaint against the
Administration or the Secretary of War for throwing any embarrassment in the way
of my vigorously prosecuting what appeared to be my duty.
" Indeed since the promotion
which placed me in command of all the armies, and in view of the great
responsibility and importance of success, I have been astonished at the
readiness which every thing asked for has been yielded, without even an
explanation being asked. Should my success be less than I desire and expect, the
least I can say is, the fault is not with you.
" Very truly, your obedient
servant,
" U S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General
"
RAILWAY ACCIDENTS.
As the winter approaches, and a
winter which the weather-was assure us is to be peculiarly severe, it is
alarming to remark how frequent are railway accidents. The disaster upon the New
Haven Road, followed immediately by that upon the New London, and again upon the
Hudson, and by several Western accidents, with that of a week since upon the
Erie, aroused the public mind for a moment ; but the interest of the election
overpowered all other public care. Now that it is past, we hope that the dangers
of the railways may be remembered to some good result.
There is no doubt that many of
our railroads are allowed to fall into a perilous state before proper measures
are taken to avoid fatal consequences. The sleepers and the rails are often
notoriously worn out before they are replaced, I and passengers are daily
whirled along tracks which they pass with fear and trembling. The New Haven
railroad, or the Harlem track, is for several miles the only direct land avenue
out of New York into New England. The travel is immense. The passage of trains
is incessant. The security of the road should, therefore, be almost perfect. Yet
it was matter of common conversation during the summer that the road was in bad
order, and nobody who traveled much upon it was surprised when the late accident
occurred.
We do not say that the particular
accident was avoidable. Some defect in the iron, which it was not possible to
know until it was exposed to precisely the conditions which made disaster
inevitable, may explain this accident, as similar reason will explain others.
But that very fact should impress upon the managers of railroads the necessity
of the most careful scientific observation. What is the effect upon iron of the
movement of heavy trains ? In what way may the natural consequences of possible
but unperceived defects be best obviated? All such questions should be
constantly entertained and answered by study and experiment.
It is true that, in view of the
constant and enormous railroad travel in this country, great disasters are
comparatively infrequent. At every hour of the day and night there are thousands
of human beings thundering along upon the rails, yet; upon the whole, how few
are hurt ! It is computed that the Illinois Central Railroad has transported
thirty millions of people, the entire population of the United States, and
without the loss of a single life, except through the acknowledged fault of the
sufferer. Such a record is as honorable as it is remarkable. Yet with proper
care it might be the rule of every road. It is one of the immutable laws that,
as the sailor expressed it, God has somehow so fixed the world that a man can
afford to do right. Nor can there be any question that the safer a railroad is,
the more profitable it is.
We warn the managers that
peculiar care is necessary, now that the frosts are coming; and that the public
will not accept any easy apology for an appalling tragedy.
PARTIES.
BECAUSE Patriotism requires in
times of public peril the earnest support of certain candidates, it does not
therefore become Party spirit. Patriotism is not neutrality between policies
proposed ; on the contrary, it is the faithful support of that policy which
promises greater security to the Government. Parties are inevitable and
desirable in every constitutional system. But when we speak of such parties we
mean, of course, men and policies which aim always at the better preservation of
the nation. There is such a thing as faction as well as party. There is such a
thing as a traitor as well as a political opponent. Thus BENEDICT ARNOLD was not
a true American whose political views differed from those of WASHINGTON; he was
a traitor. Thus also JEFFERSON Davis is not an honest political opponent; he is
a rebel.
Hostility to causeless and bloody
rebellion is a patriotic duty, which, we trust, we shall never forget. Whatever
favors rebellion or excuses rebels will always be resisted by truly patriotic
citizens. Rebellion can not, in any legitimate sense, be a party policy. It has
not been so in this country, although the rebels hoped it might be made so. The
true men of all the old parties stood together for the Government, and they
stand there now. And, at such a time as this, the only legitimate party division
is a rivalry of Patriotism. Which shall most swiftly and surely and
unconditionally vindicate the national honor, maintain the national authority,
and de- (Next Page)
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