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Civil War Harper's Weekly, October 29, 1864

This site features our collection of Harper's Weekly newspapers. This collection is an invaluable archive for those interested in developing a more complete understanding of the war. Reading news on pages printed within days of the battles give a new perspective on the war.

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Cavalry Officers

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Soldiers Support Lincoln

Sherman's Advance

Sherman's Advance on Atlanta, Georgia

Voting

Soldiers Voting

Battle of Darbytown

Battle of Darbytown Road

Albert Durer

Albert Durer

Fleet Mobile Bay

Fleet in Mobile Bay

Women's Clothes

Women's Clothes in the 1800's

Cartoon

McClellan Cartoon

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

HARPER'S WEEKLY.

[OCTOBER 29, 1864.

690

THE QUAKER COQUETTE.

BY MILES O'REILLY.

DEAR, coy coquette ! but once, we met,

But once, and yet—'twas once too often! Plunged unawares in silvery snares

All vain my prayers her heart to soften : Yet seemed so true her eyes of blue,

Veined lids and longest lashes under, Good angels dwelt therein, I felt,

And could have knelt in reverent wonder.

Poor heart, alas ! what eye could pass

The auburn mass of curls caressing? Her pure, white brow—made regal now

By this simplicity of dressing !

Lips dewy, red, as Cupid's bed

Of rose-leaves spread on Mount Hymettus ; With balm imbued, they might be wooed, But ah, coy prude ! she will not let us!

No jewels deck her radiant neck

What pearl would reek its hue to rival? A pin of gold—the fashion old

A ribbon fold, or some such trifle. O past belief! the lily's leaf

In dark relief sets off the whiteness Of all the breast not veiled and prest Beneath her collar's Quaker tightness !

And milk-white robes o'er snowier globes, As Roman maids are drawn by Gibbon, With classic taste are gently braced

Around her waist beneath a ribbon ; And thence unrolled in billowy fold,

Profuse and bold—a silken torrent

Not hide but dim each rounded limb,

Well turned and trim and plump, I warrant !

O Quaker maid, were I more staid,

Or you a shade less archly pious ; if soberest suit from crown to boot

Could chance uproot your Quaker bias ! How gladly so in weeds of woe,

From head to toe my frame I'd cover, That, in the end, the convert "friend" Might thus ascend—a convert lover !

TO MY BROTHER EXILES.

Is it true what they say of you, brother,

Do you join in the cry that we fail ?

Are you leagued with the white-livered rabble

Who hear of the foeman, and quail?

What ? Pat in the ranks of the craven ! Down ! down ! as you would to your God ; On your knees—press your lips to the clover, Ask pardon of Erin's green sod.

The old island would crimson for shame, And shrink 'neath the tread of the stranger, Did she know that one child she had nursed

E'er skulked in the moment of danger.

Go tear up the record of fame,

Blot out each bright word on the scroll, Renounce every martyr and hero,

Forget every patriot soul.

Go wipe out the glorious list,

Ay Waterloo, Inkermann, all, From remotest antiquity's mist

To Atlanta's thrice glorious fall.

Yes, Agincourt, Cressy, Poitiers,
And Fontenoy even erase;

Once they echoed to Irish cheers, Now the record in silence efface.

Let Sheridan, Grattan, and Burke

Be named by such cravens no more; You cry for a cowardly peace,

Their souls were for honor and war.

Ay! forget all the masters of song

Who have sung of our smiles and our tears; Those we claimed for our brothers so long Now look down in disdain at our fears.

We've no share in their memory now; Leave their names to the ivy and moss . We forfeit our right to the crown,

Too feeble to carry the cross.

Is it true that you truckle to traitors?

Can it be that your soul is so base? Stand up by my side, and, my brother,

Fling the lie in the slanderer's face.

God knows we've our measure of failing,
Of pain we have suffered our meed,

But we never yet fled from our colors, Our friend, or our foe, or our creed.

O! keep the sweet heritage green,

As fresh as the turf of our land, That he taketh a sacrament who

Once giveth an Irish hand.

Our hand has been pledged to this soil

Through prosperity's bountiful years; We must not, we can not dishonor

Its flag with our cowardly fears.

Bowed down, O! my God, I implore,

On my knees, at the footstool of grace, Thou wilt stretch out thine arm and avert

This sin from the soul of my race.

OUR FLAG IN '64.

FLING, fling our banner out, With loyal song and shout, O'er every home and hill, By each deep valley's mill ; And let its heaven-lit beam Round every hearth-stone gleam, And fill the passing hour—This pregnant, fateful hour

With all its stirring voices And the thunder of its power.

The foe is striking hard; But in the castle-yard Uprise fresh traitor bands

To snatch from out our hands, From fortress and from sea, This banner of the free, To give it coward flight, That Anarchy's dark night,

With all its muttering thunders,

May swallow up its light.

Ay ! when our soldiers brave, On battle-field and wave,

Sprang forth with deadly stroke Through battle's blazing smoke, Our standard to uphold,

And save its every fold,

These home-born traitors cry, " God grant no victory !"

Though scores of gallant heroes Round the old flag bravely die.

Rise, then, each loyal man, Your home horizon scan, And plant the nation's flag On hill-side and on crag ; And let your swelling soul In earnest tones outroll That brave resolve of old,

When our fathers, true and bold,

Swore a fealty to the flag Which never once grew cold.

The flag, the flag bends low, For whirlwinds round it blow, And wild, chaotic night

Is veiling it from sight.

So let us every one,

While yet the winds rage on, Cling round the straining mast And hold the banner fast,

Till stormy Treason's rage Be safely overpast.

DETROIT, October, 1864.

HARPER'S WEEKLY
SATURDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1864.

BROWN, STEPHENS, & CO.

A BRANCH OF THE CHICAGO HOUSE.

NOTWITHSTANDING the fact that the rebellion has been driven into one-fourth of the space it covered at the beginning—that its money has ceased to have any gold value—that its "cradles and graves" have been robbed for recruits—that its hope of foreign aid has expired—and that its chief can not restrain a sullen cry of anguish and despair—yet Governor BROWN of Georgia, and ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS of the same State, the rebel Vice-President, write long letters to say that if we will just give up the struggle and let them have what they are fighting for, we may have peace. Here are two men, for instance, battling for a prize. One has the other fast, and is rapidly worsting him, and the gentleman with his head in chancery has just breath and strength enough left to gasp : " There ! if you'll give me the prize, I'll let you off."

The folly of such performances as Governor BROWN'S and Mr. STEPHENS'S it is not worth while to discuss. They both take the same ground. They both declare, with DAVIS, that the only possible terms of peace which they will accept are disunion and the destruction of the Government. They will have the supreme sovereignty of the separate States, or they will fight until they are overpowered. To debate such propositions gravely is impossible until the doctrine of the Chicago platform is approved. For both these gentlemen stand upon that noble scaffolding. Both of them declare that the war is and must be a failure ; that there ought to be an immediate cessation of hostilities, and an ultimate Convention with all the resources of statesmanship.

That rebels stand by the Chicago platform is not strange, for they helped build it. It is the work of rebels, Copperheads, and English emissaries. And it is the Chicago Convention which explains these letters of Governor BROWN and Mr. STEPHENS. Those two men know perfectly well the hopelessness of their cause. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS is, and always has been, a thorough " Southern Rights" man. He has valued the Union as the tool of "the South." But he has known that " the South" could not long stand outside of the Union, and therefore his policy was not to secede but to remain and control. He now beholds his prophecy of disaster to " the South" in case of secession amply fulfilled. He naturally wishes to make the best terms he can, and they are--first, separation

upon the ground of State sovereignty, which is a confession by the Union that it is overthrown; and, second, reconstruction upon such terms as "the South" may choose to offer to a conquered group of States.

That is what BROWN, STEPHENS, and the other rebel leaders mean by negotiation and convention. That is what the Chicago platform means by armistice. That is what General McCLELLAN means by the resources of statesmanship. And STEPHENS and BROWN would never have dreamed of uttering such absurd pretensions except for the encouragement given to the rebellion by the Chicago party and platform and candidates. General McCLELLAN may be the most faithful of citizens, but the folly, the cowardice, the disgrace, the rebel complicity of the position into which he has suffered himself to be adjusted by VALLANDIGHAM, SEYMOUR, and WOOD upon the Chicago platform, by the side of GEORGE H. PENDLETON, applauded by every rebel against his Government and by every foreign enemy of his country, make him, if he be an utterly loyal citizen, certainly the most pitiful figure in America.

THE SOLDIERS' PLATFORM.

THE army has been heard from. The American citizens who are fighting the rebels in the field have laid down their platform. Its top, bottom, and sides are composed of the indignant resolution that the war is not a failure, and that they do not demand an immediate cessation of hostilities. They pronounce in a voice of thunder for the unconditional maintenance of the Union and Government. Their vote goes off like the volley of an army. It rings out like the salute with shotted guns which General GRANT ordered all along the line upon hearing the news of SHERIDAN'S victory in the Valley.

The result of the army vote settles forever the doubt whether the Chicago leaders had been able to blind the eyes of faithful men to the true issue. It shows why the party that supports the Chicago proposal of ignominious surrender and McCLELLAN and PENDLETON have endeavored to prevent the soldiers from voting. The Chicago party leaders knew that United States soldiers could not and would not vote for the national humiliation and disgrace. They knew that the soldiers were not frightened, and were not to be juggled by any false talk of " peace" with armed rebels, and therefore the Chicago party were opposed to their voting. There is probably not a man in the United States who voted against allowing the soldiers to vote who is not going to vote in November

for McCLELLAN and PENDLETON.

Such facts are unanswerable arguments. A man who is risking his life in the cause of his country knows instinctively who are the friends of that cause. He may have faults to find with the. management of details. He may see that it would be better to do this thing or that thing in a different way. But he looks at the whole ground. He watches the action of parties and the general conduct of public men, and he is not likely to suppose that Mr. VALLANDIGHAM is truer to the cause than ANDREW JOHNSON, who has bravely battled with the rebels from the very beginning, nor Mr. VALLANDIGHAM'S candidate more faithful to the Union, the country, and the rights of American citizens than ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The soldiers have spoken, and they will speak again. They vote for the same cause for which they fight, and therefore they do not vote for Chicago, McCLELLAN and PENDLETON, and surrender—but for Baltimore, LINCOLN and JOHNSON, and victory. That is the Soldiers` platform, and it is the platform of the country.

THE MORAL OF THE INDIANA
ELECTION.

ALL have done well, but Indiana has done nobly, and what is the moral of her majority ?? Her soldiers were disfranchised by the Copperhead Legislature. "If any citizen loves his country enough to fight for her he shall have no vote," said the friends of the Chicago platform and candidates, and the brave men of Indiana who have gone to the field now know exactly who are their friends. But the voters who staid at home resolved that those at the front should not be betrayed; and in the State which was generally accorded to the Chicago party the valiant voters cast twenty thousand majority. It would be fifty thousand if the citizens in the field could vote.

The moral of this majority is plain. Indiana has been the hot-bed of the bloody and treasonable conspiracies of the friends of the Chicago platform and candidates. " Grand Commander" DODD lives in Indiana. The office of the Hon. D. W. VOORHEES is in Indiana, and in it the treasonable letters were found. Dr. ATHON, Secretary of State in Indiana, and JOSEPH RISTINE, State Auditor in Indiana, were leading accomplices of the VALLANDIGHAM plot for helping the rebels and overthrowing the Government.

Therefore the people of Indiana were not deceived. Any fine phrases that may have slipped into the resolutions at Chicago they perfectly

understood. They doubtless did not question the patriotism of many who intend to support the Chicago nominations ; but they said, " We know exactly what it all means, because we have the proof of it here in our own State. It does not mean Union and national honor, and peace with liberty and security for all rights and for all men. The Chicago programme, which our worthy State Secretary and State Auditor support, means an ignoble surrender to the rebellion, and separation, or reconstruction upon such terms as slavery may dictate. You in the Eastern and Middle States may not understand it yet ; but we have had an inside view of the office and papers of the Honorable D. W. VOORHEES. The plot has been exposed to our eyes and minds, and we have no excuse for misunderstanding. Chicago means submission and disunion. We mean Union and national life and liberty. Chicago would disfranchise the soldiers if it could, as our Legislature, a supporter of Chicago, has done. Be it so. We will protect ourselves and our friends in the army ; and even in their absence Indiana shall be true to the Union and Government."

And true she is by twenty thousand majority.

The result in Indiana shows that the people of this country are not conquered ; and it shows that when they once clearly detect the tendency or the deliberate intention to betray the cause of the country, they will rally overwhelmingly to its support. There has been no more encouraging sign of the fidelity of American citizens to their principles and their Government since the uprising after the fall of Sumter than the late election in Indiana. It is another and a glorious evidence of the stability and the essential conservatism of popular institutions, to which the crowning testimony will be given in November by the election of LINCOLN and JOHNSON.

"OUT! BRIEF CANDLE !"

THERE is something delightful in the idea of the Copperhead illumination upon " the auspicious result" in the Keystone State.

Three great States vote. In Ohio the Copperheads lose twelve members of Congress. In Indiana they lose four. In Pennsylvania they lose five, and perhaps six. Hurrah ! shout the jubilant gentlemen.

In Ohio the aggregate majority against the Copperheads will be from seventy to eighty thousand. In Indiana, without the soldiers —a State that we had supposed they would carry—the majority against them will be twenty thousand or more. In Pennsylvania it will be probably fifteen or eighteen thousand. "Heaven be praised!" cry the Copperheads ; " let's light up!"

And why not ? It is the last and best chance they will ever have for illumination and rejoicing. Besides, they might have lost every member of Congress in each State, instead of saving twelve out of thirty-three. They wish to make hay while the sun shines; and they are quite right, for it is coming on to rain dreadfully in November.

ALL HAIL, MARYLAND !

THE Maryland soldiers have achieved one of the grandest victories of the war. They have lifted " the despot's heel" from the shore of their Maryland. Their vote has redeemed their State from the curse of Slavery, and anchored it first and forever to the Union, whose cause, as the old Continental Congress declared, " is the cause of human nature." Their victory shows that they, too, understand the meaning of this war. They perceive that it is the armed insurrection of the privileged few against the laboring many. They know that the great slaveholder is the direct rival of the free laborer who lives by his daily wages. They know that while the system lasts permanent peace is impossible, and having learned in the battle-field and the Southern prison that the tender mercies of slavery are cruel, they have, with one master blow, demolished the root of the war in the soil of Maryland. It is indeed "a glorious victory." God bless the Maryland citizens at the front and the Maryland citizens at home !

THE PLAIN CASE.

THE October elections show that, unless all human foresight fails, the election of ABRAHAM LINCOLN and ANDREW JOHNSON is assured, provided the work of the canvass be not relaxed a moment, and that every thing be accounted doubtful until it is secured. The question is so simple that it can not be avoided : Do we mean to maintain our Government, or do we intend to submit to its destruction? In the consideration of this point the personality of the candidates is of very small importance.

Every good citizen knows that there is not a man who wishes to see the rebellion unconditionally suppressed by force of arms who will not vote for LINCOLN and JOHNSON; nor any one who wishes to make terms with traitors who does not support McCLELLAN and PENDLETON.

If the latter are as uncompromising Union men as the former, why does every disunionist and rebel sympathizer support them ?

If they are so devoted to law and good gov- (Next Page)


 

 

  

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