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Robert E. Lee Portrait
He lies in solemn state, alone
Alone with only silence there
Alone with lofty lamps that rim
Almost the very coping stone ;
Yet not alone, for all the air
Is filled with tender thoughts of him. And all night long the marble floors Have
echoed to the gentle tread
Of blessed and immortal feet;
And through the open corridors
The mighty and illustrious dead
Have thronged all night his face to greet. And they have bent, full-browed with
pain, And gazed through their celestial tears Upon the face so dear to them
Upon the man whose heart was fain Above all hearts these latter years
To be like his of Bethlehem.
And so our heads are bowed with grief Because we loved him, and because
But yesterday, this great man stood
Of many states the perfect chief; Dispensing justice and the laws,
And mindful of the public good.
Alas ! it is a dreary night ;
For he we loved so much now lies
Beneath the vast and vaulted dome ;
And in his eyes there is no light—No light is in those loving eyes
Which kindliness had made her home.
THE public ought to know that the Catafalque upon which the President's body lay
in state at the City Hal! was erected by Mr. J. W. A. STRICIKLAND, at the
expense of Mr. A. T. STEWART,
Funeral Car was built by Mr. CHARLES METTAM ; Mr. P. RELYEA was
We are ourselves indebted to Aldermen OTTIWELL and RYERS for courtesies to our
artists upon this melancholy occasion.
President, Andrew Johnson, has given a most
explicit declaration of his policy et his speech to the Indiana
delegation. It does not differ essentially from the policy which President
Lincoln favored. Responsible traitors
are to be punished, while the utmost leniency is to be
exercised toward the masses of the Southern people. The
character of States is to be preserved, while at the same time it is to be
impossible for any State to hold slaves.
Mr. Johnson declares himself
opposed to consolidation, or to any
undue centralization of power. President Johnson's theory as to what
constitutes a State is precisely that
of his predecessor There has been no dissolution, but simply a suspension
of normal life—a temporary paralysis.
In the restoration of legitimate authority it must, of course, be the
friends of the country, not its enemies, that
shall control. The State is to be nursed in its weakness by loyal friends, not
smothered by traitors.
There is no longer an organized rebellion in the United States. Even Kirby
Smith, west of the Mississippi, is reported to have given up the cause. The
rebel President is said to have escaped to Texas.
On the 18th of February an agreement for a suspension
of hostilities and a memorandum of what is called a basis
of peace was entered into between
Generals Sherman and
JOHNSTON. The place of this negotiation was Chapel Hilll, a few miles from
Raleigh. According to the memorandum agreed upon the Confederate armies
now in existence were to be
disbanded, and being conducted to their several State capitals, were
there to deposit their arms in the
Sate arsenal, and to file an agreement to cease from acts
of war, and abide the action of both State and Federal authorities. The
Executive of the United States should recognize the existence of several
State Governments on their
officers and Legislatures taking the oath prescribed
by the Constitution of the United States. The citizens of all States were to be
guaranteed their political rights and franchise. These were the main features of
this remarkable document.
General Sherman's proceeding in the matter was not
approved by the Government, because it was an exercise of authority not
vested in General Sherman, was a practical acknowledgment of the rebel
Government, and undertook to reestablish rebel State
General Sherman was ordered to
resume hostilities immediately, and was directed that the instructions
given by the late President in the following telegram, which was penned by Mr.
Lincoln himself, at the
the night of the 3d of
March, were approved by President Andrew Johnson. and were reiterated to
govern the action of military commanders.
On the night of the 3d of March,
President Lincoln and his Cabinet were at the Capitol, a telegram from
General Grant was brought to the Secretary of War, informing him that General
Lee had requested an interview or conference
to make an arangement for
terms of peace.
The letter of
General Lee was published in a letter of Davis to the rebel
General Grant's telegram was
submitted to Mr. Lincoln, who, after pondering a few minutes, took up his pen
and wrote with his own hand the following reply, which he submitted to the
Secretary of State and Secretary of War.
It was then dated,
addressed, and signed by the Secretary of War, and telegraphed to General Grant:
WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865—
Lieutenant General Grant:
" The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have no
General Lee, unless it be for the capitulation of
army, or on some minor and purely military matter. He instructs me to say
that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer
upon any political question. Such questions the President holds in his
own hands, and will submit them to no military conferences or conventions.
Meantime you are to press to the utmost your military advantages.
EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War." General Grant arrived at Raleigh on the
24th of April.
A dispatch from General
Sherman states that "Wilson
held Macon on the 28th, with Howell Cobb, G. W. Smith,
and others, as prisoners, but they claimed the benefit of
the armistice, and he has telegraphed to me
rebel lines for orders. I have answered him that he may draw out of Macon and
hold his command for further orders,
unless he has reason to believe the rebels
are changing the
status to our
The campaign which was laid out a few weeks ago for the complete suppression of
the rebellion in the Western States
east of the Mississippi has been successfully accomplished. After Hood's
Nashville General Thomas indicated to the War Department that he
would not, on account of the state
of the roads and for other reasons,
be able to enter immediately upon another campaign.
But he offered to cooperate with
General Canby by sending to the latter
one half of his infantry force and almost
all his cavalry—the former under the command of General
A. J. Smith, the latter under
General Wilson. Smith's corps left
Eastport, Mississippi, and arrived at
New Orleans on the 22d of February. In
camp seven miles north of New Orleans until March 13, the command was
reorganized and Wilson's movements awaited. General Granger's
army was then at Mobile Point, near Fort Morgan, and General Steele's at
Pensacola. All these bodies were in readiness to move by March 20.
General Canby had some important information concerning
Spanish Fort from Mr. Madder, who built the fort, and who came into our
lines about the 1st of March. Smith
and Granger joined on the 21st at Darley's Mill, on Fish River—the former
moving by water, the latter by
land. Steele was coming up from Pensacola, and Wilson, with his cavalry,
was moving from Eastport. On the 26th Granger appeared before Spanish Fort, and
Smith moved up to within four miles of
Fort Blakely. The next
day a good portion of the latter's command was withdrawn to operate
against Spanish Fort with Granger. One division was left to threaten
until Steele should arrive.
Spanish Fort was then completely invested by land.
The bombardment commenced forthwith and was kept up until the 9th. Every
day new guns were mounted until
sixteen mortars, twenty siege guns, and six field batteries were brought
to bear on the fort and the adjacent work---Fort Alexis. The enemy's gun-boats
and two forts in the key participated in the defense of Spanish Fort.
The fleet of monitors in the bay with great difficulty got within shelling
distance of the fort. On the 28th the
Milwaukee was sunk by a torpedo; and the next day the Osage shared a
similar fate. The fleet, however, was not able to effect much in the attack.
On the 26th of March
Canby issued to his army the last
of the rations provided. In this exigency General Bailey —the same who built the
dam for the escape of Porter's fleet on Red River—succeeded in forming wharves
and landing supplies from the bay. The Times correspondent
says that if General Bailey had kept a diary a glance at its pages would
show " that during one week's time he had
four fights, a hundred wrangles, slapped the faces of three
Steamboat Captains, and nearly killed with hard work some
three hundred members of the Ninety-seventh colored."
Steele's command arrived on the 2d of April, having cut the Mobile and
Montgomery Railroad, near Pollard, capturing a train of cars bound to
and fighting and killing the rebel General Clanton, inflicting a loss of 200 men
besides capturing 300. Steele united with Garrard's
division against Fort Blakely, which was now fully invested by land with
the exception of a gap through which runs the Bayou Minnette. Up to this time
our loss had been about 750.
On the 8th eight heavy Parrott guns were brought to bear
on the rebel gun-boats, and under cover of a
cannonade from one hundred
pieces of artillery an assault was made on Spanish Fort at sunset. Geddis's
brigade, consisting of the Eighth Iowa, the Eighty-first, One Hundred
and Eighth, and One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Illinois, bore the brunt of
the assault, and succeeded just after dark in getting inside of a portion of the
enemy's works on the left. Here a fight ensued, and 300 of the enemy were
captured. The assault was not made all along the line as it should have been,
and thus it happened that Geddis was driven out of the portion of the works
which he had gained. That night the enemy evacuated Spanish Fort, and escaped in
boats across the bay to Mobile.
Fort Blakely still remained. Blakely is a small town above the mouth of
Blakely River, about four and one half miles north of Spanish Fort, and twelve
miles from Mobile. The works at this point ran north and
south, and were under the command of the rebel General Lyddell. On the
9th these works were carried by assault. It was a most gallant affair. Garrard's
division, with its commander at its
head, passed abatis and ditches
after terrible entanglements - entanglements fatal to how many!—gained
the inside of the fort and captured over
1000 men with their commander, the rebel General Thomas. Then Andrews's
and Veatch's divisions charged over torpedoes and through a storm of bullets,
and by seven o'clock the fort was ours with 3300 prisoners—including Generals
Lyddell, Thomas, Cockerill -- 32 pieces of artillery,
4000 stand of small-arms, 16 battle-flags, and a vast amount of
ammunition. Our loss here was about 1000.
The next day the enemy's gun-boats with transports escaped up the Alabama River.
On the night of the 10th the rebels
began to evacuate Mobile, which was occupied by our forces on the 13th.
The guns captured amounted to 150 ;
1200 prisoners were taken in the city. This made our whole number of
prisoners about 6000. Dabney H. Maury escaped up the river with 9000 men. Our
entire loss in the
campaign is about 2000; that of the enemy 1500, besides prisoners. Seventeen
forts were taken, over 200 guns, and a vast amount of
Previous Page) Sir ROBERT PEEL, the Prime
Minister, yielded to the inevitable logic of the reformers, and brought in the
bill repealing the duties upon imported corn, which was approved on the 26th of
June, 1846. It was one of the greatest political triumphs in history. It
reversed the traditional and cherished policy of a nation, and the result was
achieved by solid argument. The grateful nation enriched Mr. COBDEN as a
recognition of his patriotic service. But his political independence was never
disturbed. He never courted a majority. His constituents approved the war with
Russia. He opposed it. England made war upon China. Mr. COBDEN, with the
majority in Parliament, voted to censure Lord PALMERSTON, and his constituents
refused to re-elect him.
Like all the English liberals,
Mr. COBDEN has been one of our firmest and truest friends during the rebellion.
Ile had been twice in this country and understood our politics. Still better,
he understood the eternal law that prevents injustice in an enlightened people
from being permanently profitable ; and although not of a sanguine temperament,
and knowing the condition of the country and the spirit of the rebellion, he
was conscious of the terrible task be-fore us, yet he sincerely believed it
would be accomplished.
COBDEN did not live to hear of
the fall of Richmond, nor of the surrender of
ROBERT E. LEE, nor of the final sealing of
the coast by the occupation of Mobile. But he did live to see the insurrection
of a system which, as a political economist, he knew to be disastrous to any
nation, tottering and falling ; and the great principle of equal justice before
the laws, which, as a statesman, he knew to be the only sure foundation of
states, ascending to its complete victory. Happily for him he died before he
heard that the wise and patient and practical statesman, who was the
characteristic product of institutions which COBDEN trusted with all his heart,
had suddenly rested from his labors amidst the tears of a nation. The two men
lived for the same great purpose. The true interests of the people of England
and of America have lost two of their noblest friends in ABRAHAM LINCOLN and
ALL the beautiful day on Tuesday,
when the dearly beloved President was borne through the great city, it was
impossible not to feel that, however impassioned and tender all the orators
might be, no oration could be so eloquent as the spectacle of the vast
population, hushed and bareheaded, under the bright spring sky, gazing upon his
coffin. It was one of the most imposing and touching pageants ever seen. From
windows and house-tops and balconies, from trees and posts and door-steps, the
multitude looked silently on, themselves a striking part of the scene they
admired. The broad street was clear, and on both the walks the crowd was solid.
The pressure at times was frightful, but the throng was mainly good-humored ;
and when the funeral car approached the reverent silence was profoundly
impressive. Nothing was heard as it passed but the regular footfall of the
troops, the dull roll of the muffled drums, and the occasional tolling of a bell
far away. The sober aspect of the people all the day, the wailing peals of minor
music from the hundred bands, the houses draped with mourning, the innumerable
flags bound with black and hanging at half-mast, the profuse and accumulated
signs of a true sorrow, have made the day for-ever memorable to all who looked
As the solemn and stately car
went by, holding proudly up, under the canopy and among the flowers, the
silver-fringed coffin of the martyr, his own words over the dead at Gettysburg
were the most fitting : " The world will little note nor long remember what we
say here, but it can never forget what they did here." For his great work here
was the noble use of qualities without which no public man can be sincerely
lamented nor any state safe.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN triumphed by his honesty, by his
fidelity, by his magnanimity, by his prudence, by his moderation. His greatness
was his eminence in the characteristics which our public men have most wanted.
He was called slow and doubtful, a man needing to be pushed and pulled, while
his steadfastness was sublime. He moved toward his purpose as surely as the year
unfolds from spring into summer. There are chilly days, and clouds, and showers,
and sometimes frosts, but the blossom is steadily opening into the flower, and
the flower, ripening into the fruit, and ever the air is softer and kinder. It
was so with him, and so the popular trust in him grew. No man imagined what a
hold he had upon the national heart until the election, The revelation was
startling. It was an involuntary tribute to character without parallel. And how
much closer even than then the bond that bound him to the people this truly
grieving country shows.
The oration in
Union Square by
Mr. BANCROFT was noble. Its lofty tone, its masterly comprehensiveness, its
sincere eloquence, and the nervous purity of its style, distinguish it among all
the f no addresses which the melanchtIy event has inspired, It seems to us that
Mr. BANCROFT has never surpassed
this brief, heroic, and dignified discourse. New York could have chosen no
fitter orator to bid the great, good President hail and farewell.
Across the land then, home to the
prairies, which will greet his coming with all their flowery splendor, passes
our chief and best. Along the way he came four years ago, to do a work harder
WASHINGTON'S—he returns, and the work is done. As he left his home he asked
his neighbors, who knew and loved him, to pray for him in his strange and
unknown task. Home he comes again, and with prayers and tears and stricken
hearts they receive him, whom we all know and love now. Home he comes again,
dead, but living forever. And we who through the clouds of our present sorrow
behold the serene triumph of his life, stronger by his strength, wiser by his
wisdom, more faithful by his fidelity, more magnanimous by his marvelous
magnanimity, turn again to serve his honored memory by continuing his work in
his own spirit.
NAPOLEON'S JULIUS CAESAR.
THE first volume of Louis
NAPOLEON'S " History of Julius Caesar" is now published in handsome library form
and also in a convenient popular edition by the HARPERS. This volume ends with
CAESAR'S election as Consul and the exile of CICERO.
Louis NAPOLEON is too conspicuous
a man to be an unknown author. Even if his work were very poor it would be
universally read. But written as it is with ample preparation, and to maintain a
proposition which his life is endeavoring to enforce, it has a remarkable
interest. When in the nineteenth century of Christianity au emperor elaborately
defines and defends the imperialism of the last age of Paganism as a final and
necessary law of human society, every thoughtful man will wish to know what he
has to say. Besides, a man who passes from the ridiculous melodrama of Boulogne
and Strasbourg to the terrible realities of the coin d'etat, and leaps from
lodgings in Leicester Square to the Tuileries, shows at least, that he has power
of some kind, and if he professes also to have principles, it is certainly worth
while to know what they are.
The work is very carefully
written. It opens with a rapid survey of Roman history before the birth of
CAESAR, that the stage may be properly set for the entrance of the principal
figure. Tile reflections are sometimes excellent, sometimes utterly commonplace
and amusing. The danger to any state of an inflexible conservatism which would
hold the Past unchanged is very well and pointedly set forth. Indeed the
author's implication, if not his argument, is, that CATO, CICERO, HORTENSIUS,
and their friends, by refusing to bend, forced CAESAR to break. If the
conservatives had yielded to the necessity of reform to save the state, CAESAR
would not have been compelled to overthrow it. This, also, is NIEBUHR'S view.
But it is the old dispute.
Of course LOUIS
the theory of personal motives in CAESAR. He was simply the purest patriot, the
noblest Roman of them all. Yet the author's admiration of his hero hardly
surpasses that of MERIVALE—a most conscientious and painstaking historian, who
uses less color in his portraits than any recent writer of history. The
Frenchman's view, however, contrasts strangely with that of the thorough
Englishman, Dr. ARNOLD, to whom Julius
CAESAR was only a robber and
murderer upon a great scale. MERIVALE calls CAESAR " the greatest name in
history." ARNOLD says: "Never did any man occasion so large an amount of misery
with so little provocation." NIEBUHR says : " Had he lived in a republican age
he would never have thought of setting himself above the law ; but he belonged
to a period when he had no choice between being either the anvil or the hammer."
Louis NAPOLEON says: " When Providence raises up such men as CAESAR,
CHARLEMAGNE, and NAPOLEON, it is to trace out to peoples the path they ought to
follow; to stamp with the seal of their genius a new era ; and to accomplish in
a few years the labor of many centuries."
BENEATH the vast and vaulted dome
That copes the Capitol, he lies; It is a dreary, dreary night;
The stars in their eternal home
Seem like the sad ethereal eyes
Of seraphs, filled with tender
The Capitol is wrapped in mist;
Strangely the shadows come and go
The dome seems floating into air,
Upborne by unseen hands, I wist—In solemn state he lies below, His pure hands
folded as in prayer.