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WHAT grander name than his on
that fair scroll,
Where, writ in fadeless
characters, shall stand
The names of those, the saviors
of the land, Recorded of bright Fame's immortal roll !
Scarce have our hearts ceased
thrilling to the cry,
Which passed from lip to lip, "
Than comes the news that on
Savannah's towers Once more the old flag greets the broad blue sky.
Ring out from every spire, ye
Ring loud and long these merry
Let notes of victory mingle with
Till far and wide the pealing
chorus swells !
Long shall the tale be told by
Of that great march through
Georgia's rugged ways,
For many miles and many weary.
To listening groups by winter
Hail to the Chief who led the
Long may he live to wear his
And hear his children taught to
lisp his name;
For him a people's praise, a
And hail to those who bore the
flag with him,
Those venturous ranks of true and
The old year lingers long as it
To sing their praises with the
Such men are fashioned after
God's own heart;
Fearless in danger, counting
their rich blood
Even as nothing to their
Of the world's history they form
Theirs is a deathless heritage,
Blossom, like flowers, upon the
page of Time;
And whether told in prose or
glowing rhyme Seem writ in shining gold to him who reads.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1865.
WE are told in early youth that
the shyest birds can be caught by putting a little fresh salt upon their tails.
It is well that the progress of the war is so
prosperous that we can laugh rather than cry over the Wilmington expedition. The
end, indeed, has not appeared, but the beginning is complete. There is something
ludicrously suggestive of Chinese warfare, of the loud beating of the tomtom to
appall the enemy, in the idea of blowing up a ship on the open sea in front of a
fort, and anticipating " paralysis" as the result. Universal failing of the
walls, apoplexy, and demoralization, then a jubilant charge, and all was to be
We know it is easy to smile after
the event. But this was, after all, a question of science. The laws and forces
of concussion are computable : and it is an interesting inquiry to whom we are
indebted for this suggestion, and whether it were gravely approved by a
competent, scientific board. The only paralysis produced seems to have been upon
the wrong side. For it really looks as if the explosion were regarded as the
essential effort, and that failing, further exertion ,were to be held useless.
Admiral PORTER, indeed, remained ; but he remained upon the open sea in a stormy
season to bombard earth works. Should he succeed in obtaining the fort the
greater will be his glory.
Certainly we are very far from
complaining that an assault was not made. We are none of us here competent to
decide that it should have been. Neither do we say that the troops were not well
General WEITZEL is a most skillful and accomplished soldier, and
General BUTLER is no fool. Admiral PORTER naturally thinks that, if one man
could seize a flag and take a prisoner almost within the fort, a column of men
could successfully assault it. But then Admiral PORTER thought the fort was
seriously disabled, when a reconnoissance showed it was not. Commodore RODGERS
also thinks that the fort was virtually at our mercy, and that the fact of eight
hundred of our men remaining on the shore for several hours unattacked by the
rebels proves that they were entirely worsted. But it is fair to suppose that
the rebels believed the remaining of our troops to be some kind of snare. They
could not believe that the enormous movement against Wilmington was already at
an end, and that our men were retiring.
But we are surely entitled to say
that some one has blundered, and that the some one should be ascertained and
properly dealt with. We write, indeed, at the close of the first act only.
Should the second end the drama auspiciously the country will rejoice all the
more because of the check. But the check should be explained. And if the fleet
that sailed forth under such prodigious salvos of acclaim and confidence should
return after a brilliant bombardment, and the discovery that tomtoms and
stink-pots are not formidable weapons of war, we shall be entitled to the
feeling that, while officers and men, and especially those who undertook the
perilous task of the explosion, have done all that brave men could do, yet that
in the direction of the united armament there was some fatal defect which might
have produced vast and melancholy disaster instead of amusing failure.
IN April, 1861, the Savannah
Republican said: " The people of the Monumental City were right in arresting the
progress of an army raised to shoot down their Southern brethren. We hope they
will keep up the good work, and even strike at home for their honor and
independence. There are slumbering fires not only in
Maryland, but in States
north of her, that await only
an opportunity to burst forth,
and when they appear we may look out for a revolution that the world now little
expects. Thank God ! the time has arrived when these minions of Abolition can
never plant a foot south of the Potomac."
In December, 1864, the Savannah
Republican says : " By the fortunes of war we today pass under the authority of
the Federal military forces, ......We desire to counsel obedience and all proper
respect on the part of our citizens, and to express the belief that their
property and persons will be respected by our military ruler......
Let our conduct be such as to win the admiration of a magnanimous foe, and
give no ground for complaint or harsh treatment on the part of him who still for
an indefinite period hold possession of our city."
In April, 1861, it said: "We
would as soon confederate with the cannibals of the South Sea or the Thugs of
India as with them [the Yankees]. They have forced us to the separation, and
now, we say, let it be forever, and even beyond that time, should God in his
providence permit. We want nothing to do with such a people, either in time or
In December, 1864, it says : "
The fear expressed by many that
General SHERMAN will repeat the order of
expulsion from our homes which he enforced against the citizens of Atlanta we
think to be without foundation It behooves all to keep within their houses
until General SHERMAN shall have organized a provost system, and such police as
will insure safety in person as well as property."
So it will be to the end, and the
deluded people of the rebel section will gradually learn what wretched and
criminal gaseous the Southern leaders were who have plunged the country into
A LARGE number of conspicuous and
influential gentlemen in Philadelphia, who have been personally familiar for a
long time with the working of the bounty system there, have prepared a careful
and very sensible memorial to Congress upon the subject of local bounties, which
is heartily approved by ALEXANDER HENRY, the tried and admirable Mayor of that
We were sorry to see that our
friend and neighbor, the New York Times, speaks of these gentlemen as dictating
to the rest of the community in what way recruits shall be supplied or
substitutes furnished. But certainly a simple suggestion upon an important
public question, considerately made by any body of our fellow citizens, ought
not to be denounced as dictation. The Times also declares that to abolish the
substitute system is to return to the days of the French Directory. That may be
true, but the Philadelphia gentlemen have made no such proposition.
On the day after the appearance
of this rather contemptuous criticism, the Times published a letter from Mr. J.
R. HAMILTON, one of its army correspondents, in which the abuses of the system
which the Philadelphia gentlemen aim to correct are set forth in the most
striking terms. If the Times thinks the Philadelphians "rhetorical," what does
it think of this extract from its correspondent's letter, which is undoubtedly
the plainest truth ?
" To relate all the abuses now
being perpetrated in the army, by the present application of the substitute and
bounty system, will be to pen what many may deem incredible; but there is
nothing herein asserted which will not be found capable of undeniable proof.
Will it be believed when I tell you that substitute brokers, aided, of course,
by boards of enrollment, examining physicians, etc. (without whose guilty
connivance they could not act), have had the audacity to send as recruits to our
army cripples from birth; men partially blind ; idiots from town farms; people
with hernia of long standing; puny boys of four-teen or fifteen ; men being
constantly claimed as subjects of other Governments; graduates from the Five
Points of New York; escaped prisoners from the Dry Tortugas; rebel adventurers
from Canada and elsewhere; some who have suffered by years of paralysis, and
hundreds who can not understand one word of the English language, and whom it
is, of course, impossible to drill and instruct in the duties of a soldier?
Indeed, it is to be feared that a large portion of the deserters from the rebel
army, attracted by the large bounties offered, form no small part of the bounty
jumping element among us.
"But it is far easier to find
fault than to suggest a remedy, which latter is no part of my province. All I
know is, that it is utterly impossible to conceive any system which works worse
than the present one, whether we regard the enormons frauds practiced upon the
Government; the deleterious effect upon our armies; the injustice it inflicts
upon the real soldier who is battling devotedly for his country, or the cruel
prolongation of the war, by frittering away whole portions of armies, which have
been paid for in hard cash, but which are nowhere to be found when required.
" I have now laid before you a
few of the leading features of this great evil ; and I am sure there is no true
soldier in our armies, from the highest to the lowest grade, but will
corroborate all I have said. Let those see to the remedy to whom the duty
belongs, and let that remedy be prompt, for the poison is circulating to an
extent little dreamed of by those who have not watched it."
The Philadelphia memorial, after
rehearsing the facts and showing the inevitable consequences of such a system of
recruiting, makes four very simple, comprehensive, and judicious suggestions.
First, that short terms of service should be avoided, and the President he
authorized to draft for one, two, or three years at his discretion. Second, that
local bounties and the buying tip of recruits from other places should be
discouraged, and, as a means, that the Government bounty be restricted to those
ceive no local bounty ; that
every subdistrict should be credited with its own residents, no matter where
they credit themselves; and that the recruiting in insurrectionary districts
should be abolished, Third, that the unexpired terms of deserting volunteers
should be charged to the locality credited for them. And fourth, that, as such
measures would diminish volunteering, there should be a moderate bounty for the
drafted men, or family provision during their absence. To this memorial we see
such names as HORACE BINNEY, Jun., MORTON M`MICHAEL, HENRY C. LEA, CHARLES
GILPIN, J. I. CLARK HARE, Dr. E, WALLACE, GEORGE TROTT, and others; nor can we
see that it is rhetorical or dictatorial.
Such a plan credits every
subdistrict with those who are willing to go from it, and requires those who can
not go either to find a substitute at home or among those who are not citizens.
There can be no question that the operation of the present bounty system is
perilous to the country. "You are contending with an enemy," said General
MITCHELL, "who will fight you with a two pronged fork, if he can find no other
weapon. Can you safely fight him with soldiers who care nothing for the cause,
and are hired as they would be to dig a ditch ?" Exemptions there must be, and
substitutes; but because these must be there is no reason why they should be
scoundrels and felons, and there is every reason why they should not be such.
The City Bounty Fund Commission
in Philadelphia, which, within the year, has paid bounties to more than twenty
thousand volunteers, cordially approves the memorial, being persuaded that some
national action upon the subject is necessary, as the active competition
embarrasses all local measures. The object of the movement is neither altogether
to abolish substitutes or bounties, but to make them both as effective, and not
as useless and dangerous, as possible. If the Philadelphia plan be not the best
way, its proposers ask that some better one may be adopted. Is such a spirit
unreasonable, or such a plan unfair?
WHAT we said last week of Mr.
DAYTON in Paris is equally true of Mr. ADAMS in London. He is an advanced
outpost of America. He illustrates the national faith and the national
character. His solid, silent, self-respecting manliness, and almost dry and
austere manner, are delightfully contrasted with the characteristics of the
rebel emissary in England, whom American history will know as
Fugitive-Slave-Bill MASON, and who fitly represents his confederates and their
lamentable cause. After the dallying silence or polite putting aside of the
question of slavery, which has characterized our ministers in Europe for so long
a time, it is refreshing to hear an American embassador and gentleman speak out
frankly and honorably his own profound convictions, as well as that of the
better part of his nation and the world, and say, as Mr. ADAMS did to the
deputation that came to congratulate him upon the result of the election : "All
good men may have cause to rejoice in the termination of this melancholy
struggle, if that end be at once the confirmation of a free government in
America, and the eradication of the most formidable evil with which its progress
has been heretofore cursed."
Who will not say Amen, and who
will not thank God that the representatives of the United States are at last
But Mr. ADAMS'S speech was
remarkable also for the quiet dignity with which he stated the exact condition
of public sentiment in England and the United States. He said to Sir CHARLES
LYELL, Dr. MASSIE, THOMAS HUGHES, and the other gentlemen of the deputation,
that he could not disguise from them or from himself the painful fact that an
unfriendly interest in our struggle had often been manifested in England ; "and
that the knowledge of this has given rise to a general impression among my
countrymen that the whole British nation really desires the disruption and
consequent downfall of the power of the United States. Hence has sprung up a
corresponding degree of ill will which bids fair, if not counteracted, only to
increase with time. If such passions be permitted a full indulgence between two
nations, it needs little sagacity to foretell that, in the long run, the end is
war." He added that the demonstrations of friendship for the United States,
which he is continually receiving from various parts of the kingdom, will enable
the lovers of peace to prove that, " whatever may be the hostility of some, it
is by no means shared by the greater number of the British people, and ought not
to be presumed to be a national expression.”
This confirmation by Mr. ADAMS of
the opinion of Lord RUSSELL and of GOLDWIN SMITH is very significant, and should
be remembered. There is a foolish feeling, carefully fostered in this country by
those who imagine that hatred of England is a test of American patriotism that
we ought to have a war with England. But it would be a war in which neither
nation could be gainers. It would be a contest against civilization. It would he
one of the gravest disasters that could befall human society ; and it is
therefore the serious duty of every true American to distinguish between the
venal and mean
England, which, under the lead of
American slave drivers, disturbs a meeting at Bristol called to rejoice over the
result of our election, and the England which congratulates Mr. ADAMS, and
speaks by GOLDWIN SMITH, and cheers RICHARD COBDEN and JOHN BRIGHT.
THE " FLORIDA" CORRESPONDENCE.
THE correspondence between the
Brazilian Minister in
Mr. SEWARD upon the case of the Florida is
just what it should be simple, direct, and honorable.
When our Government heard of the
capture the Secretary of State wrote immediately to Mr. WEBB, at Rio Janeiro, to
say to the Brazilian Government that, although we had not ceased to regret the
concession of belligerence to rebels, yet we were disposed to examine the
guestion in a friendly spirit, and to do justice. This was on the 11th of
November. On the 12th of December the Brazilian Minister in Washington addressed
a letter to Mr. SEWARD detailing the circumstances, and adding that he reposed
perfect confidence in the friendly intentions of the United States, whose
energetic defense of neutral rights is traditional, and which will undoubtedly
make proper reparation to a friendly power for an offense of such "transcendent
Mr. SEWARD replied that Brazil
justly expected the regret and disavowal of the President for an act
inconsistent with the traditions and well considered policy of the United
States. Captain COLLINS will he suspended and summoned before a court martial ;
and as the Consul admits that he incited the act, he will be dismissed. The flag
of Brazil will receive the customary honors from the navy of the United States.
But this Government does not admit any charge of falsehood or treachery against
the Captain and Consul, which they deny; and especially denies that the rebel
insurgents are a lawful naval belligerent, and repeats emphatically that the
concession to them of belligerent rights by Brazil is regarded as wrong and
unfriendly to the United States, to which Brazil will owe reparation of the
consequences of such concession. Yet it is not for captains and consuls to
choose, without authority, when, how, and where to redress the wrongs of this
country; and although the crew of the Florida are enemies of this Government
and, as we contend, of the human race, they were unlawfully seized, and will
therefore be set at liberty.
This is the manly good sense
which preserves the peace of the world. Minister WEBB will see that he should
rather have waited. and have forborne to make a difficulty with one independent
and friendly power the occasion for lecturing another. Bluster and indignation
do not help international peace. If other nations choose to sneer and rage and
falsify, let us, taught by their ridiculous and humiliating example, only the
more sedulously avoid the same dishonorable courses. Following our traditions
when they are just and noble, joyfully reversing them when they are not, the
moral power of the United States Government will be as commanding as it means to
have its military and naval power irresistible.
THE GOVERNOR'S FIRST WORD.
THE first word from Governor
FENTON is a clear and ringing note of hearty patriotism. Before his message was
delivered, and before the sun set upon the day of his inauguration, he issued an
earnest call to the citizens of the great State to aid
FARRAGUT and PORTER, in securring the fruits of the
victories they have so bravely won. Let us be patient and persevere, says the
Governor, " in the closing of the great struggle which is to result in settling
the destinies of this Government upon a foundation firm as truth and
It is a profound satisfaction for
every loyal citizen of the United States to feel that the executive authority of
the State of New York will no longer give it wavering and uncertain sympathy to
the cause so dear to the people of the State. Its object will not be to discover
in what way, short of open resistance, it can most effectively balk and paralyze
the great effort of the nation to save its united existence. This has been the
strenuous effort of the late Governor. In a vast war which imperiled the country
he has been steadily devoted to party, and his fate is a warning. Carefully
educated for political life, and the expectant successor in State and national
honors of VAN BUREN and MARCY, when he became Governor of New York two years ago
he was the recognized leader of the Opposition, and his nomination for the
Presidency was as sure as any political event can be. It is but the truth to say
that his ill concealed hostility to the war and sincere political sympathy with
the rebel chiefs have utterly and for ever destroyed his chances of political
promotion among a resolute and patriotic people.
His successor enters upon his
great responsibilities full of the deepest sympathy with the cause for which the
Union soldiers and sailors are fighting. For a long time President of the
National Soldiers' Relief Commission, Governor FENTON is practically acquainted.
also, with the