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MEMOIRS OF GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN
William T. Sherman
SAVANNAH AND POCOTALIGO--DECEMBER, 1864, AND JANUARY, 1865
ATLANTA CAMPAIGN-NASHVILLE AND CHATTANOOGA TO KENESAW—MARCH, APRIL,
AND MAY, 1864
ATLANTA CAMPAIGN—BATTLES ABOUT KENESAW MOUNTAIN—JUNE, 1864
ATLANTA CAMPAIGN—BATTLES ABOUT ATLANTA—JULY, 1864
CAPTURE OF ATLANTA—AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1864
ATLANTA AND AFTER—PURSUIT OF HOOD—SEPTEMBER AND OCTOBER, 1864
MARCH TO THE SEA--FROM ATLANTA TO SAVANNAH--NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER,
SAVANNAH AND POCOTALIGO--DECEMBER, 1864, AND JANUARY, 1865
CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS--FEBRUARY AND MARCH, 1865
OF THE WAR--FROM GOLDSBORO' TO RALEIGH AND WASHINGTON--APRIL AND
CONCLUSION--MILITARY LESSONS OF THE WAR
SAVANNAH AND POCOTALIGO.
DECEMBER, 1884, AND
The city of Savannah was an old place, and usually accounted a
handsome one. Its houses were of brick or frame, with large yards,
ornamented with shrubbery and flowers; its streets perfectly regular,
crossing each other at right angles; and at many of the intersections
were small inclosures in the nature of parks. These streets and parks
were lined with the handsomest shade-trees of which I have knowledge,
viz., the Willow-leaf live-oak, evergreens of exquisite beauty; and
these certainly entitled Savannah to its reputation as a handsome town
more than the houses, which, though comfortable, would hardly make a
display on Fifth Avenue or the Boulevard Haussmann of Paris. The city
was built on a plateau of sand about forty feet above the level of the
sea, abutting against the river, leaving room along its margin for a
street of stores and warehouses. The customhouse, court-house,
post-office, etc., were on the plateau above. In rear of Savannah was a
large park, with a fountain, and between it and the court-house was a
handsome monument, erected to the memory of Count Pulaski, who fell in
1779 in the assault made on the city at the time it was held by the
English during the Revolutionary War. Outside of Savannah there was very
little to interest a stranger, except the cemetery of Bonaventura, and
the ride along the Wilmington Channel by way of Thunderbolt, where might
be seen some groves of the majestic live-oak trees, covered with gray
and funereal moss, which were truly sublime in grandeur, but gloomy
after a few days' camping under them:
Within an hour of taking up my quarters in Mr. Green's house, Mr. A.
G. Browne, of Salem, Massachusetts, United States Treasury agent for the
Department of the South, made his appearance to claim possession, in the
name of the Treasury Department, of all captured cotton, rice,
buildings, etc. Having use for these articles ourselves, and having
fairly earned them, I did not feel inclined to surrender possession, and
explained to him that the quartermaster and commissary could manage them
more to my liking than he; but I agreed, after the proper inventories
had been prepared, if there remained any thing for which we had no
special use, I would turn it over to him. It was then known that in the
warehouses were stored at least twenty-five thousand bales of cotton,
and in the forts one hundred and fifty large, heavy sea-coast guns:
although afterward, on a more careful count, there proved to be more
than two hundred and fifty sea-coast or siege guns, and thirty-one
thousand bales of cotton. At that interview Mr. Browne, who was a
shrewd, clever Yankee, told me that a vessel was on the point of
starting for Old Point Comfort, and, if she had good weather off Cape
Hatteras, would reach Fortress Monroe by Christmas-day, and he suggested
that I might make it the occasion of sending a welcome Christmas gift to
the President, Mr. Lincoln, who peculiarly enjoyed such pleasantry. I
accordingly sat down and wrote on a slip of paper, to be left at the
telegraph-office at Fortress Monroe for transmission, the following:
December 22, 1884. To His Excellency President Lincoln,
Washington, D. C.:
I beg to present you as a Christmas-gift the city of
Savannah, with one hundred and fifty heavy guns and plenty of
ammunition, also about twenty five thousand bales of cotton.
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.
This message actually reached him on Christmas-eve, was extensively
published in the newspapers, and made many a household unusually happy
on that festive day; and it was in the answer to this dispatch that Mr.
Lincoln wrote me the letter of December 28th, already given, beginning
with the words, "many, many thanks," etc., which he sent at the hands of
General John A. Logan, who happened to be in Washington, and was coming
to Savannah, to rejoin his command.
On the 23d of December were made the following general orders for the
disposition of the troops in and about Savannah:
[Special Field Order
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 23, 1864.
Savannah, being now in our possession, the river partially
cleared out, and measures having been taken to remove all
obstructions, will at once be made a grand depot for future
1. The chief-quartermaster, General Euston, will, after giving
the necessary orders touching the transports in Ogeechee River
and Oasabaw Sound, come in person to Savannah, and take
possession of all public buildings, vacant storerooms,
warehouses, etc., that may be now or hereafter needed for any
department of the army. No rents will be paid by the Government
of the United States during the war, and all buildings must be
distributed according to the accustomed rates of the
Quartermaster's Department, as though they were public property.
2. The chief commissary of subsistence, Colonel A. Beckwith,
will transfer the grand depot of the army to the city of
Savannah, secure possession of the needful buildings and
offices, and give the necessary orders, to the end that the army
may be supplied abundantly and well.
S. The chief-engineer, Captain Poe, will at once direct which of
the enemy's forts are to be retained for our use, and which
dismantled and destroyed. The chief ordnance-officer, Captain
Baylor, will in like manner take possession of all property
pertaining to his department captured from the enemy, and cause
the same to be collected and conveyed to points of security; all
the heavy coast-guns will be dismounted and carried to Fort
4. The troops, for the present, will be grouped about the city
of Savannah, looking to convenience of camps; General Slocum
taking from the Savannah River around to the seven-mile post on
the Canal, and General Howard thence to the sea; General
Kilpatrick will hold King's Bridge until Fort McAllister is
dismantled, and the troops withdrawn from the south side of the
Ogeechee, when he will take post about Anderson's plantation, on
the plank-road, and picket all the roads leading from the north
5. General Howard will keep a small guard at Forts Rosedale,
Beaulieu, Wimberley, Thunderbolt, and Bonaventura, and he will
cause that shore and Skidaway Island to be examined very
closely, with a view to finding many and convenient points for
the embarkation of troops and wagons on seagoing vessels.
By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman,
L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp.
[Special Field Order
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, December 26, 1864.
The city of Savannah and surrounding country will be held as
a military post, and adapted to future military uses, but, as it
contains a population of some twenty thousand people, who must
be provided for, and as other citizens may come, it is proper to
lay down certain general principles, that all within its
military jurisdiction may understand their relative duties and
1. During war, the military is superior to civil authority, and,
where interests clash, the civil must give way; yet, where there
is no conflict, every encouragement should be given to
well-disposed and peaceful inhabitants to resume their usual
pursuits. Families should be disturbed as little as possible in
their residences, and tradesmen allowed the free use of their
shops, tools, etc.; churches, schools, and all places of
amusement and recreation, should be encouraged, and streets and
roads made perfectly safe to persons in their pursuits. Passes
should not be exacted within the line of outer pickets, but if
any person shall abuse these privileges by communicating with
the enemy, or doing any act of hostility to the Government of
the United States, he or she will be punished with the utmost
rigor of the law. Commerce with the outer world will be resumed
to an extent commensurate with the wants of the citizens,
governed by the restrictions and rules of the Treasury
2. The chief quartermaster and commissary of the army may give
suitable employment to the people, white and black, or transport
them to such points as they may choose where employment can be
had; and may extend temporary relief in the way of provisions
and vacant houses to the worthy and needy, until such time as
they can help themselves. They will select first the buildings
for the necessary uses of the army; next, a sufficient number of
stores, to be turned over to the Treasury agent for
trade-stores. All vacant store-houses or dwellings, and all
buildings belonging to absent rebels, will be construed and used
as belonging to the United States, until such time as their
titles can be settled by the courts of the United States.
3. The Mayor and City Council of Savannah will continue to
exercise their functions, and will, in concert with the
commanding officer of the post and the chief-quartermaster, see
that the fire-companies are kept in organization, the streets
cleaned and lighted, and keep up a good understanding between
the citizens and soldiers. They will ascertain and report to the
chief commissary of subsistence, as soon as possible, the names
and number of worthy families that need assistance and support.
The mayor will forth with give public notice that the time has
come when all must choose their course, viz., remain within our
lines, and conduct themselves as good citizens, or depart in
peace. He will ascertain the names of all who choose to leave
Savannah, and report their names and residence to the
chief-quartermaster, that measures may be taken to transport
them beyond our lines.
4. Not more than two newspapers will be published in Savannah;
their editors and proprietors will be held to the strictest
accountability, and will be punished severely, in person and
property, for any libelous publication, mischievous matter,
premature news, exaggerated statements, or any comments whatever
upon the acts of the constituted authorities; they will be held
accountable for such articles, even though copied from other
By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman,
L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp.
It was estimated that there were about twenty thousand inhabitants in
Savannah, all of whom had participated more or less in the war, and had
no special claims to our favor, but I regarded the war as rapidly
drawing to a close, and it was becoming a political question as to what
was to be done with the people of the South, both white and black, when
the war was actually over. I concluded to give them the option to remain
or to join their friends in Charleston or Augusta, and so announced in
general orders. The mayor, Dr. Arnold, was completely "subjugated," and,
after consulting with him, I authorized him to assemble his City Council
to take charge generally of the interests of the people; but warned all
who remained that they must be strictly subordinate to the military law,
and to the interests of the General Government. About two hundred
persona, mostly the families of men in the Confederate army, prepared to
follow the fortunes of their husbands and fathers, and these were sent
in a steamboat under a flag of truce, in charge of my aide Captain
Audenried, to Charleston harbor, and there delivered to an officer of
the Confederate army. But the great bulk of the inhabitants chose to
remain in Savannah, generally behaved with propriety, and good social
relations at once arose between them and the army. Shortly after our
occupation of Savannah, a lady was announced at my headquarters by the
orderly or sentinel at the front-door, who was ushered into the parlor,
and proved to be the wife of General G. W. Smith, whom I had known about
1850, when Smith was on duty at West Point. She was a native of New
London, Connecticut, and very handsome. She began her interview by
presenting me a letter from her husband, who then commanded a division
of the Georgia militia in the rebel army, which had just quitted
Savannah, which letter began, "DEAR SHERMAN: The fortunes of war, etc-.,
compel me to leave my wife in Savannah, and I beg for her your courteous
protection," etc., etc. I inquired where she lived, and if anybody was
troubling her. She said she was boarding with a lady whose husband had,
in like manner with her own, gone off with Hardee's army; that a part of
the house had been taken for the use of Major-General Ward, of Kentucky;
that her landlady was approaching her confinement, and was nervous at
the noise which the younger staff-officers made at night; etc. I
explained to her that I could give but little personal attention to such
matters, and referred her to General Slocum, whose troops occupied the
city. I afterward visited her house, and saw, personally, that she had
no reason to complain. Shortly afterward Mr. Hardee, a merchant of
Savannah, came to me and presented a letter from his brother, the
general, to the same effect, alleging that his brother was a civilian,
had never taken up arms, and asked of me protection for his family, his
cotton, etc. To him I gave the general assurance that no harm was
designed to any of the people of Savannah who would remain quiet and
peaceable, but that I could give him no guarantee as to his cotton, for
over it I had no absolute control; and yet still later I received a note
from the wife of General A. P. Stewart (who commanded a corps in Hood's
army), asking me to come to see her. This I did, and found her to be a
native of Cincinnati, Ohio, wanting protection, and who was naturally
anxious about the fate of her husband, known to be with General Hood, in
Tennessee, retreating before General Thomas. I remember that I was able
to assure her that he had not been killed or captured, up to that date,
and think that I advised her, instead of attempting to go in pursuit of
her husband, to go to Cincinnati, to her uncle, Judge Storer, there
await the issue of events.
Before I had reached Savannah, and during our stay there, the rebel
officers and newspapers represented the conduct of the men of our army
as simply infamous; that we respected neither age nor sex; that we
burned every thing we came across--barns, stables, cotton-gins, and even
dwelling-houses; that we ravished the women and killed the men, and
perpetrated all manner of outrages on the inhabitants. Therefore it
struck me as strange that Generals Hardee and Smith should commit their,
families to our custody, and even bespeak our personal care and
attention. These officers knew well that these reports were exaggerated
in the extreme, and yet tacitly assented to these publications, to
arouse the drooping energies of the people of the South.
As the division of Major-General John W. Geary, of the Twentieth
Corps, was the first to enter Savannah, that officer was appointed to
command the place, or to act as a sort of governor. He very soon
established a good police, maintained admirable order, and I doubt if
Savannah, either before or since, has had a better government than
during our stay. The guard-mountings and parades, as well as the greater
reviews, became the daily resorts of the ladies, to hear the music of
our excellent bands; schools were opened, and the churches every Sunday
were well filled with most devout and respectful congregations; stores
were reopened, and markets for provisions, meat, wood, etc., were
established, so that each family, regardless of race, color, or opinion,
could procure all the necessaries and even luxuries of life, provided
they had money. Of course, many families were actually destitute of
this, and to these were issued stores from our own stock of supplies. I
remember to have given to Dr. Arnold, the mayor, an order for the
contents of a large warehouse of rice, which he confided to a committee
of gentlemen, who went North (to Boston), and soon returned with one or
more cargoes of flour, hams, sugar, coffee, etc., for gratuitous
distribution, which relieved the most pressing wants until the revival
of trade and business enabled the people to provide for themselves.
A lady, whom I had known in former years as Miss Josephine Goodwin,
told me that, with a barrel of flour and some sugar which she had
received gratuitously from the commissary, she had baked cakes and pies,
in the sale of which she realized a profit of fifty-six dollars.
Meantime Colonel Poe had reconnoitred and laid off new lines of
parapet, which would enable a comparatively small garrison to hold the
place, and a heavy detail of soldiers was put to work thereon; Generals
Easton and Beckwith had organized a complete depot of supplies; and,
though vessels arrived almost daily with mails and provisions, we were
hardly ready to initiate a new and hazardous campaign. I had not yet
received from General Grant or General Halleck any modification of the
orders of December 6,1864, to embark my command for Virginia by sea; but
on the 2d of January, 1865, General J. G. Barnard, United States
Engineers, arrived direct from General Grant's headquarters, bearing the
following letter, in the general's own handwriting, which, with my
answer, is here given:
OF THE UNITED STATES
CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, December 27, 1864.
Major-General W. T.
SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of the Mississippi.
GENERAL: Before writing you definite instructions for the
next campaign, I wanted to receive your answer to my letter
written from Washington. Your confidence in being able to march
up and join this army pleases me, and I believe it can be done.
The effect of such a campaign will be to disorganize the South,
and prevent the organization of new armies from their broken
fragments. Hood is now retreating, with his army broken and
demoralized. His loss in men has probably not been far from
twenty thousand, besides deserters. If time is given, the
fragments may be collected together and many of the deserters
reassembled. If we can, we should act to prevent this. Your
spare army, as it were, moving as proposed, will do it.
In addition to holding Savannah, it looks to me that an
intrenched camp ought to be held on the railroad between
Savannah and Charleston. Your movement toward Branchville will
probably enable Foster to reach this with his own force. This
will give us a position in the South from which we can threaten
the interior without marching over long, narrow causeways,
easily defended, as we have heretofore been compelled to do.
Could not such a camp be established about Pocotaligo or
I have thought that, Hood being so completely wiped out for
present harm, I might bring A. J. Smith here, with fourteen to
fifteen thousand men. With this increase I could hold my lines,
and move out with a greater force than Lee has. It would compel
Lee to retain all his present force in the defenses of Richmond
or abandon them entirely. This latter contingency is probably
the only danger to the easy success of your expedition. In the
event you should meet Lee's army, you would be compelled to beat
it or find the sea-coast. Of course, I shall not let Lee's army
escape if I can help it, and will not let it go without
following to the best of my ability.
Without waiting further directions, than, you may make your
preparations to start on your northern expedition without delay.
Break up the railroads in South and North Carolina, and join the
armies operating against Richmond as soon as you can. I will
leave out all suggestions about the route you should take,
knowing that your information, gained daily in the course of
events, will be better than any that can be obtained now.
It may not be possible for you to march to the rear of
Petersburg; but, failing in this, you could strike either of the
sea-coast ports in North Carolina held by us. From there you
could take shipping. It would be decidedly preferable, however,
if you could march the whole distance.
From the best information I have, you will find no difficulty in
supplying your army until you cross the Roanoke. From there here
is but a few days' march, and supplies could be collected south
of the river to bring you through. I shall establish
communication with you there, by steamboat and gunboat. By this
means your wants can be partially supplied. I shall hope to hear
from you soon, and to hear your plan, and about the time of
Please instruct Foster to hold on to all the property in
Savannah, and especially the cotton. Do not turn it over to
citizens or Treasury agents, without orders of the War
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 2, 1865.
U. S. GRANT, City Point.
GENERAL: I have received, by the hands of General Barnard,
your note of 26th and letter of 27th December.
I herewith inclose to you a copy of a projet which I have this
morning, in strict confidence, discussed with my immediate
I shall need, however, larger supplies of stores, especially
grain. I will inclose to you, with this, letters from General
Easton, quartermaster, and Colonel Beckwith, commissary of
subsistence, setting forth what will be required, and trust you
will forward them to Washington with your sanction, so that the
necessary steps may be taken at once to enable me to carry out
this plan on time.
I wrote you very fully on the 24th, and have nothing to add.
Every thing here is quiet, and if I can get the necessary
supplies in our wagons, shall be ready to start at the time
indicated in my projet (January 15th). But, until those supplies
are in hand, I can do nothing; after they are, I shall be ready
to move with great rapidity.
I have heard of the affair at Cape Fear. It has turned out as
you will remember I expected.
I have furnished General Easton a copy of the dispatch from the
Secretary of War. He will retain possession of all cotton here,
and ship it as fast as vessels can be had to New York.
I shall immediately send the Seventeenth Corps over to Port
Royal, by boats, to be furnished by Admiral Dahlgren and General
Foster (without interfering with General Easton's vessels), to
make a lodgment on the railroad at Pocotaligo.
General Barnard will remain with me a few days, and I send this
by a staff-officer, who can return on one of the vessels of the
supply-fleet. I suppose that, now that General Butler has got
through with them, you can spare them to us.
My report of recent operations is nearly ready, and will be sent
you in a day or two, as soon as some farther subordinate reports
I am, with great respect, very truly, your friend,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.
PROJECT FOR JANUARY.
1. Right wing to move men and artillery by transports to head
of Broad River and Beaufort; reestablish Port Royal Ferry, and
mass the wing at or in the neighborhood of Pocotaligo.
Left wing and cavalry to work slowly across the causeway toward
Hardeeville, to open a road by which wagons can reach their
corps about Broad River; also, by a rapid movement of the left,
to secure Sister's Ferry, and Augusta road out to Robertsville.
In the mean time, all guns, shot, shell, cotton, etc., to be
moved to a safe place, easy to guard, and provisions and wagons
got ready for another swath, aiming to have our army in hand
about the head of Broad River, say Pocotaligo, Robertsville, and
Coosawhatchie, by the 15th January.
2. The whole army to move with loaded wagons by the roads
leading in the direction of Columbia, which afford the best
chance of forage and provisions. Howard to be at Pocotaligo by
the 15th January, and Slocum to be at Robertsville, and
Kilpatrick at or near Coosawhatchie about the same date. General
Fosters troops to occupy Savannah, and gunboats to protect the
rivers as soon as Howard gets Pocotaligo.
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.
Therefore, on the 2d of January, I was authorized to march with my
entire army north by land, and concluded at once to secure a foothold or
starting-point on the South Carolina side, selecting Pocotaligo and
Hardeeville as the points of rendezvous for the two wings; but I still
remained in doubt as to the wishes of the Administration, whether I
should take Charleston en route, or confine my whole attention to the
incidental advantages of breaking up the railways of South and North
Carolina, and the greater object of uniting my army with that of General
Grant before Richmond.
General Barnard remained with me several days, and was regarded then,
as now, one of the first engineers of the age, perfectly competent to
advise me on the strategy and objects of the new campaign. He expressed
himself delighted with the high spirit of the army, the steps already
taken, by which we had captured Savannah, and he personally inspected
some of the forts, such as Thunderbolt and Causten's Bluff, by which the
enemy had so long held at bay the whole of our navy, and had defeated
the previous attempts made in April, 1862, by the army of General
Gillmore, which had bombarded and captured Fort Pulaski, but had failed
to reach the city of Savannah. I think General Barnard expected me to
invite him to accompany us northward in his official capacity; but
Colonel Poe, of my staff, had done so well, and was so perfectly
competent, that I thought it unjust to supersede him by a senior in his
own corps. I therefore said nothing of this to General Barnard, and soon
after he returned to his post with General Grant, at City Point, bearing
letters and full personal messages of our situation and wants.
We were very much in want of light-draught steamers for navigating
the shallow waters of the coast, so that it took the Seventeenth Corps
more than a week to transfer from Thunderbolt to Beaufort, South
Carolina. Admiral Dahlgren had supplied the Harvest Moon and the
Pontiac, and General Foster gave us a couple of hired steamers; I was
really amused at the effect this short sea-voyage had on our men, most
of whom had never before looked upon the ocean. Of course, they were fit
subjects for sea-sickness, and afterward they begged me never again to
send them to sea, saying they would rather march a thousand miles on the
worst roads of the South than to spend a single night on the ocean. By
the 10th General Howard had collected the bulk of the Seventeenth Corps
(General Blair) on Beaufort Island, and began his march for Pocotaligo,
twenty-five miles inland. They crossed the channel between the island
and main-land during Saturday, the 14th of January, by a pontoon-bridge,
and marched out to Garden's Corners, where there was some light
skirmishing; the next day, Sunday, they continued on to Pocotaligo,
finding the strong fort there abandoned, and accordingly made a lodgment
on the railroad, having lost only two officers and eight men.
About the same time General Slocum crossed two divisions of the
Twentieth Corps over the Savannah River, above the city, occupied
Hardeeville by one division and Purysburg by another. Thus, by the
middle of January, we had effected a lodgment in South Carolina, and
were ready to resume the march northward; but we had not yet accumulated
enough provisions and forage to fill the wagons, and other causes of
delay occurred, of which I will make mention in due order.
On the last day of December, 1864, Captain Breese, United States
Navy, flag-officer to Admiral Porter, reached Savannah, bringing the
first news of General Butler's failure at Fort Fisher, and that the
general had returned to James River with his land-forces, leaving
Admiral Porter's fleet anchored off Cape Fear, in that tempestuous
season. Captain Breese brought me a letter from the admiral, dated
December 29th, asking me to send him from Savannah one of my old
divisions, with which he said he would make short work of Fort Fisher;
that he had already bombarded and silenced its guns, and that General
Butler had failed because he was afraid to attack, or even give the
order to attack, after (as Porter insisted) the guns of Fort Fisher had
been actually silenced by the navy.
I answered him promptly on the 31st of December, that I proposed to
march north inland, and that I would prefer to leave the rebel garrisons
on the coast, instead of dislodging and piling them up in my front as we
progressed. From the chances, as I then understood them, I supposed that
Fort Fisher was garrisoned by a comparatively small force, while the
whole division of General Hoke remained about the city of Wilmington;
and that, if Fort Fisher were captured, it would leave General Hoke free
to join the larger force that would naturally be collected to oppose my
progress northward. I accordingly answered Admiral Porter to this
effect, declining to loan him the use of one of my divisions. It
subsequently transpired, however, that, as soon as General Butler
reached City Point, General Grant was unwilling to rest under a sense of
failure, and accordingly dispatched back the same troops, reenforced and
commanded by General A. H. Terry, who, on the 15th day of January,
successfully assaulted and captured Fort Fisher, with its entire
garrison. After the war was over, about the 20th of May, when I was
giving my testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of
the War, the chairman of the committee, Senator B. F. Wade, of Ohio,
told me that General Butler had been summoned before that committee
during the previous January, and had just finished his demonstration to
their entire satisfaction that Fort Fisher could not be carried by
assault, when they heard the newsboy in the hall crying out an "extra"
Calling him in, they inquired the news, and he answered, "Fort Fisher
done took!" Of course, they all laughed, and none more heartily than
General Butler himself.
On the 11th of January there arrived at Savannah a revenue-cutter,
having on board Simeon Draper, Esq., of New York City, the Hon. E. M.
Stanton, Secretary of War, Quartermaster-General Meigs, Adjutant-General
Townsend, and a retinue of civilians, who had come down from the North
to regulate the civil affairs of Savannah....
I was instructed by Mr. Stanton to transfer to Mr. Draper the custom
house, post-office, and such other public buildings as these civilians
needed in the execution of their office, and to cause to be delivered
into their custody the captured cotton. This was accomplished by--
Orders, No. 10.]
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 12, 1865.
1. Brevet Brigadier-General Euston, chief-quartermaster, will
turn over to Simeon Draper, Esq., agent of the United States
Treasury Department, all cotton now in the city of Savannah,
prize of war, taking his receipt for the same in gross, and
returning for it to the quartermaster-general. He will also
afford Mr. Draper all the facilities in his power in the way of
transportation, labor, etc., to enable him to handle the cotton
2. General Euston will also turn over to Mr. Draper the
custom-house, and such other buildings in the city of Savannah
as he may need in the execution of his office.
By order of General W. T. Sherman,
L. M. DAYTON, Aide-de-Camp.
Up to this time all the cotton had been carefully guarded, with
orders to General Euston to ship it by the return-vessels to New York,
for the adjudication of the nearest prize-court, accompanied with
invoices and all evidence of title to ownership. Marks, numbers, and
other figures, were carefully preserved on the bales, so that the court
might know the history of each bale. But Mr. Stanton, who surely was an
able lawyer, changed all this, and ordered the obliteration of all the
marks; so that no man, friend or foe, could trace his identical cotton.
I thought it strange at the time, and think it more so now; for I am
assured that claims, real and fictitious, have been proved up against
this identical cotton of three times the quantity actually captured, and
that reclamations on the Treasury have been allowed for more than the
actual quantity captured, viz., thirty-one thousand bales.
Mr. Stanton staid in Savannah several days, and seemed very curious
about matters and things in general. I walked with him through the city,
especially the bivouacs of the several regiments that occupied the
vacant squares, and he seemed particularly pleased at the ingenuity of
the men in constructing their temporary huts. Four of the "dog-tents,"
or tentes d'abri, buttoned together, served for a roof, and the sides
were made of clapboards, or rough boards brought from demolished houses
or fences. I remember his marked admiration for the hut of a soldier who
had made his door out of a handsome parlor mirror, the glass gone and
its gilt frame serving for his door.
He talked to me a great deal about the negroes, the former slaves,
and I told him of many interesting incidents, illustrating their simple
character and faith in our arms and progress. He inquired particularly
about General Jeff. C. Davis, who, he said, was a Democrat, and hostile
to the negro. I assured him that General Davis was an excellent soldier,
and I did not believe he had any hostility to the negro; that in our
army we had no negro soldiers, and, as a rule, we preferred white
soldiers, but that we employed a large force of them as servants,
teamsters, and pioneers, who had rendered admirable service. He then
showed me a newspaper account of General Davis taking up his
pontoon-bridge across Ebenezer Creek, leaving sleeping negro men, women,
and children, on the other side, to be slaughtered by Wheeler's cavalry.
I had heard such a rumor, and advised Mr. Stanton, before becoming
prejudiced, to allow me to send for General Davis, which he did, and
General Davis explained the matter to his entire satisfaction. The truth
was, that, as we approached the seaboard, the freedmen in droves, old
and young, followed the several columns to reach a place of safety. It
so happened that General Davis's route into Savannah followed what was
known as the "River-road," and he had to make constant use of his
pontoon-train--the head of his column reaching some deep, impassable
creek before the rear was fairly over another. He had occasionally to
use the pontoons both day and night. On the occasion referred to, the
bridge was taken up from Ebenezer Creek while some of the camp-followers
remained asleep on the farther side, and these were picked up by
Wheeler's cavalry. Some of them, in their fright, were drowned in trying
to swim over, and others may have been cruelly killed by Wheeler's men,
but this was a mere supposition. At all events, the same thing might
have resulted to General Howard, or to any other of the many most humane
commanders who filled the army. General Jeff. C. Davis was strictly a
soldier, and doubtless hated to have his wagons and columns encumbered
by these poor negroes, for whom we all felt sympathy, but a sympathy of
a different sort from that of Mr. Stanton, which was not of pure
humanity, but of politics. The negro question was beginning to loom up
among the political eventualities of the day, and many foresaw that not
only would the slaves secure their freedom, but that they would also
have votes. I did not dream of such a result then, but knew that
slavery, as such, was dead forever, and did not suppose that the former
slaves would be suddenly, without preparation, manufactured into voters,
equal to all others, politically and socially. Mr. Stanton seemed
desirous of coming into contact with the negroes to confer with them,
and he asked me to arrange an interview for him. I accordingly sent out
and invited the most intelligent of the negroes, mostly Baptist and
Methodist preachers, to come to my rooms to meet the Secretary of War.
Twenty responded, and were received in my room up-stairs in Mr. Green's
house, where Mr. Stanton and Adjutant-General Townsend took down the
conversation in the form of questions and answers. Each of the twenty
gave his name and partial history, and then selected Garrison Frazier as
First Question. State what your understanding is in regard to the
acts of Congress and
President Lincoln's proclamation touching the colored people in the
Answer. So far as I understand
President Lincoln's proclamation to the rebel States, it is, that if
they will lay down their arms and submit to the laws of the United
States, before the 1st of January, 1863, all should be well; but if they
did not, then all the slaves in the Southern States should be free,
henceforth and forever. That is what I understood.
Second Question. State what you understand by slavery, and the
freedom that was to be given by the President's proclamation?
Answer. Slavery is receiving by irresistible power the work of
another man, and not by his consent. The freedom, as I understand it,
promised by the proclamation, is taking us from under the yoke of
bondage and placing us where we can reap the fruit of our own labor, and
take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining our
Fourth Question. State in what manner you would rather live--whether
scattered among the whites, or in colonies by yourselves?
Answer. I would prefer to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice
against us in the South that will take years to get over; but I do not
know that I can answer for my brethren.
(All but Mr. Lynch, a missionary from the North, agreed with Frazier,
but he thought they ought to live together, along with the whites.)
Eighth Question. If the rebel leaders were to arm the slaves, what
would be its effect?
Answer. I think they would fight as long as they were before the
"bayonet," and just as soon as they could get away they would desert, in
Tenth Question. Do you understand the mode of enlistment of colored
persons in the rebel States by State agents, under the act of Congress;
if yea, what is your understanding?
Answer. My understanding is, that colored persons enlisted by State
agents are enlisted as substitutes, and give credit to the State and do
not swell the army, because every black man enlisted by a State agent
leaves a white man at home; and also that larger bounties are given, or
promised, by the State agents than are given by the United States. The
great object should be to push through this rebellion the shortest way;
and there seems to be something wanting in the enlistment by State
agents, for it don't strengthen the army, but takes one away for every
colored man enlisted.
Eleventh Question. State what, in your opinion, is the best way to
enlist colored men as soldiers?
Answer. I think, sir, that all compulsory operations should be put a
stop to. The ministers would talk to them, and the young men would
enlist. It is my opinion that it world be far better for the State
agents to stay at home and the enlistments be made for the United States
under the direction of General Sherman.
Up to this time I was present, and, on Mr. Stanton's intimating that
he wanted to ask some questions affecting me, I withdrew, and then he
put the twelfth and last question
Twelfth Question. State what is the feeling of the colored people
toward General Sherman, and how far do they regard his sentiments and
actions as friendly to their rights and interests, or otherwise.
Answer. We looked upon General Sherman, prior to his arrival, as a
man, in the providence of God, specially set apart to accomplish this
work, and we unanimously felt inexpressible gratitude to him, looking
upon him as a man who should be honored for the faithful performance of
his duty. Some of us called upon him immediately upon his arrival, and
it is probable he did not meet the secretary with more courtesy than he
did us. His conduct and deportment toward us characterized him as a
friend and gentleman. We have confidence in General Sherman, and think
what concerns us could not be in better hands. This is our opinion now,
from the short acquaintance and intercourse we have had.
It certainly was a strange fact that the great War Secretary should
have catechized negroes concerning the character of a general who had
commanded a hundred thousand men in battle, had captured cities
conducted sixty-five thousand men successfully across four hundred miles
of hostile territory, and had just brought tens of thousands of freedmen
to a place of security; but because I had not loaded down my army by
other hundreds of thousands of poor negroes, I was construed by others
as hostile to the black race. I had received from General Halleck, at
Washington, a letter warning me that there were certain influential
parties near the President who were torturing him with suspicions of my
fidelity to him and his negro policy; but I shall always believe that
Mr. Lincoln, though a civilian, knew better, and appreciated my motives
and character. Though this letter of General Halleck has always been
treated by me as confidential, I now insert it here at length:
HEADQUARTERS OF THE
WASHINGTON, D.C., December 30, 1864.
Major-General W. T.
MY DEAR GENERAL: I take the liberty of calling your
attention, in this private and friendly way, to a matter which
may possibly hereafter be of more importance to you than either
of us may now anticipate.
While almost every one is praising your great march through
Georgia, and the capture of Savannah, there is a certain class
having now great influence with the President, and very probably
anticipating still more on a change of cabinet, who are
decidedly disposed to make a point against you. I mean in regard
to "inevitable Sambo." They say that you have manifested an
almost criminal dislike to the negro, and that you are not
willing to carry out the wishes of the Government in regard to
him, but repulse him with contempt! They say you might have
brought with you to Savannah more than fifty thousand, thus
stripping Georgia of that number of laborers, and opening a road
by which as many more could have escaped from their masters; but
that, instead of this, you drove them from your ranks, prevented
their following you by cutting the bridges in your rear, and
thus caused the massacre of large numbers by Wheeler's cavalry.
To those who know you as I do, such accusation will pass as the
idle winds, for we presume that you discouraged the negroes from
following you because you had not the means of supporting them,
and feared they might seriously embarrass your march. But there
are others, and among them some in high authority, who think or
pretend to think otherwise, and they are decidedly disposed to
make a point against you.
I do not write this to induce you to conciliate this class of
men by doing any thing which you do not deem right and proper,
and for the interest of the Government and the country; but
simply to call your attention to certain things which are viewed
here somewhat differently than from your stand-point. I will
explain as briefly as possible:
Some here think that, in view of the scarcity of labor in the
South, and the probability that a part, at least, of the
able-bodied slaves will be called into the military service of
the rebels, it is of the greatest importance to open outlets by
which these slaves can escape into our lines, and they say that
the route you have passed over should be made the route of
escape, and Savannah the great place of refuge. These, I know,
are the views of some of the leading men in the Administration,
and they now express dissatisfaction that you did not carry them
out in your great raid.
Now that you are in possession of Savannah, and there can be no
further fears about supplies, would it not be possible for you
to reopen these avenues of escape for the negroes, without
interfering with your military operations? Could not such
escaped slaves find at least a partial supply of food in the
rice-fields about Savannah, and cotton plantations on the coast?
I merely throw out these suggestions. I know that such a course
would be approved by the Government, and I believe that a
manifestation on your part of a desire to bring the slaves
within our lines will do much to silence your opponents. You
will appreciate my motives in writing this private letter. Yours
H. W. HALLECK.
There is no doubt that Mr. Stanton, when he reached Savannah, shared
these thoughts, but luckily the negroes themselves convinced him that he
was in error, and that they understood their own interests far better
than did the men in Washington, who tried to make political capital out
of this negro question. The idea that such men should have been
permitted to hang around Mr. Lincoln, to torture his life by suspicions
of the officers who were toiling with the single purpose to bring the
war to a successful end, and thereby to liberate all slaves, is a fair
illustration of the influences that poison a political capital.
My aim then was, to whip the rebels, to humble their pride, to follow
them to their inmost recesses, and make them fear and dread us. "Fear of
the Lord is the beginning of wisdom." I did not want them to cast in our
teeth what General Hood had once done in Atlanta, that we had to call on
their slaves to help us to subdue them. But, as regards kindness to the
race, encouraging them to patience and forbearance, procuring them food
and clothing, and providing them with land whereon to labor, I assert
that no army ever did more for that race than the one I commanded in
Savannah. When we reached Savannah, we were beset by ravenous State
agents from Hilton Head, who enticed and carried away our servants, and
the corps of pioneers which we had organized, and which had done such
excellent service. On one occasion, my own aide-de-camp, Colonel
Audenried, found at least a hundred poor negroes shut up in a house and
pen, waiting for the night, to be conveyed stealthily to Hilton Head.
They appealed to him for protection, alleging that they had been told
that they must be soldiers, that "Massa Lincoln" wanted them, etc. I
never denied the slaves a full opportunity for voluntary enlistment, but
I did prohibit force to be used, for I knew that the State agents were
more influenced by the profit they derived from the large bounties then
being paid than by any love of country or of the colored race. In the
language of Mr. Frazier, the enlistment of every black man "did not
strengthen the army, but took away one white man from the ranks."
During Mr. Stanton's stay in Savannah we discussed this negro
question very fully; he asked me to draft an order on the subject, in
accordance with my own views, that would meet the pressing necessities
of the case, and I did so. We went over this order, No. 15, of January
16, 1865, very carefully. The secretary made some verbal modifications,
when it was approved by him in all its details, I published it, and it
went into operation at once. It provided fully for the enlistment of
colored troops, and gave the freedmen certain possessory rights to land,
which afterward became matters of judicial inquiry and decision. Of
course, the military authorities at that day, when war prevailed, had a
perfect right to grant the possession of any vacant land to which they
could extend military protection, but we did not undertake to give a
fee-simple title; and all that was designed by these special field
orders was to make temporary provisions for the freedmen and their
families during the rest of the war, or until Congress should take
action in the premises. All that I now propose to assert is, that Mr.
Stanton, Secretary of War, saw these orders in the rough, and approved
every paragraph thereof, before they were made public:
Orders, No. 15.]
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, NEAR SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, January 16, 1865.
1. The islands from Charleston south, the abandoned
rice-fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea,
and the country bordering the St. John's River,
reserved and set apart for the settlement of the negroes now
made free by the acts of war and the proclamation of the
President of the United States.
2. At Beaufort, Hilton Head, Savannah, Fernandina, St.
Augustine, and Jacksonville, the blacks may remain in their
chosen or accustomed vocations; but on the islands, and in the
settlements hereafter to be established, no white person
whatever, unless military officers and soldiers detailed for
duty, will be permitted to reside; and the sole and exclusive
management of affairs will be left to the freed people
themselves, subject only to the United States military
authority, and the acts of Congress. By the laws of war, and
orders of the President of the United States, the negro is free,
and must be dealt with as such. He cannot be subjected to
conscription, or forced military service, save by the written
orders of the highest military authority of the department,
under such regulations as the President or Congress may
prescribe. Domestic servants, blacksmiths, carpenters, and other
mechanics, will be free to select their own work and residence,
but the young and able-bodied negroes must be encouraged to
enlist as soldiery in the service of the United States, to
contribute their share toward maintaining their own freedom, and
securing their rights as citizens of the United States.
Negroes so enlisted will be organized into companies,
battalions, and regiments, under the orders of the United States
military authorities, and will be paid, fed, and clothed;
according to law. The bounties paid on enlistment may, with the
consent of the recruit, go to assist his family and settlement
in procuring agricultural implements, seed, tools, boots,
clothing, and other articles necessary for their livelihood.
8. Whenever three respectable negroes, heads of families, shall
desire to settle on land, and shall have selected for that
purpose an island or a locality clearly defined within the
limits above designated, the Inspector of Settlements and
Plantations will himself, or, by such subordinate officer as he
may appoint, give them a license to settle such island or
district, and afford them such assistance as he can to enable
them to establish a peaceable agricultural settlement. The three
parties named will subdivide the land, under the supervision of
the inspector, among themselves, and such others as may choose
to settle near them, so that each family shall have a plot of
not more than forty acres of tillable ground, and, when it
borders on some water-channel, with not more than eight hundred
feet water-front, in the possession of which land the military
authorities will afford them protection until such time as they
can protect themselves, or until Congress shall regulate their
title. The quartermaster may, on the requisition of the
Inspector of Settlements and Plantations, place at the disposal
of the inspector one or more of the captured steamers to ply
between the settlements and one or more of the commercial points
heretofore named, in order to afford the settlers the
opportunity to supply their necessary wants, and to sell the
products of their land and labor.
4. Whenever a negro has enlisted in the military service of the
United States, be may locate his family in any one of the
settlements at pleasure, and acquire a homestead, and all other
rights and privileges of a settler, as though present in person.
In like manner, negroes may settle their families and engage on
board the gunboats, or in fishing, or in the navigation of the
inland waters, without losing any claim to land or other
advantages derived from this system. But no one, unless an
actual settler as above defined, or unless absent on Government
service, will be entitled to claim any right to land or property
in any settlement by virtue of these orders.
5. In order to carry out this system of settlement, a general
officer will be detailed as Inspector of Settlements and
Plantations, whose duty it shall be to visit the settlements, to
regulate their police and general arrangement, and who will
furnish personally to each head of a family, subject to the
approval of the President of the United States, a possessory
title in writing, giving as near as possible the description of
boundaries; and who shall adjust all claims or conflicts that
may arise under the same, subject to the like approval, treating
such titles altogether as possessory. The same general officer
will also be charged with the enlistment and organization of the
negro recruits, and protecting their interests while absent from
their settlements; and will be governed by the rules and
regulations prescribed by the War Department for such purposes.
6. Brigadier-General R. Saxton is hereby appointed Inspector of
Settlements and Plantations, and will at once enter on the
performance of his duties. No change is intended or desired in
the settlement now on Beaufort Island, nor will any rights to
property heretofore acquired be affected thereby.
By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman, L. M. DAYTON, Assistant
I saw a good deal of the secretary socially, during the time of his
visit to Savannah. He kept his quarters on the revenue-cutter with
Simeon Draper, Esq., which cutter lay at a wharf in the river, but he
came very often to my quarters at Mr. Green's house. Though appearing
robust and strong, he complained a good deal of internal pains, which he
said threatened his life, and would compel him soon to quit public
office. He professed to have come from Washington purposely for rest and
recreation, and he spoke unreservedly of the bickerings and jealousies
at the national capital; of the interminable quarrels of the State
Governors about their quotas, and more particularly of the financial
troubles that threatened the very existence of the Government itself. He
said that the price of every thing had so risen in comparison with the
depreciated money, that there was danger of national bankruptcy, and he
appealed to me, as a soldier and patriot, to hurry up matters so as to
bring the war to a close.
He left for Port Royal about the 15th of January, and promised to go
North without delay, so as to hurry back to me the supplies I had called
for, as indispensable for the prosecution of the next stage of the
campaign. I was quite impatient to get off myself, for a city-life had
become dull and tame, and we were all anxious to get into the pine-woods
again, free from the importunities of rebel women asking for protection,
and of the civilians from the North who were coming to Savannah for
cotton and all sorts of profit.
On the 18th of January General Slocum was ordered to turn over the
city of Savannah to General J. G. Foster, commanding the Department of
the South, who proposed to retain his own headquarters at Hilton Head,
and to occupy Savannah by General Grovers division of the Nineteenth
Corps, just arrived from James River; and on the next day, viz., January
19th, I made the first general orders for the move.
These were substantially to group the right wing of the army at
Pocotaligo, already held by the Seventeenth Corps, and the left wing and
cavalry at or near Robertsville, in South Carolina. The army remained
substantially the same as during the march from Atlanta, with the
exception of a few changes in the commanders of brigades and divisions,
the addition of some men who had joined from furlough, and the loss of
others from the expiration of their term of service. My own personal
staff remained the same, with the exception that General W. F. Barry had
rejoined us at Savannah, perfectly recovered from his attack of
erysipelas, and continued with us to the end of the war. Generals Easton
and Beckwith remained at Savannah, in charge of their respective depots,
with orders to follow and meet us by sea with supplies when we should
reach the coast at Wilmington or Newbern, North Carolina.
Of course, I gave out with some ostentation, especially among the
rebels, that we were going to Charleston or Augusta; but I had long
before made up my mind to waste no time on either, further than to play
off on their fears, thus to retain for their protection a force of the
enemy which would otherwise concentrate in our front, and make the
passage of some of the great rivers that crossed our route more
difficult and bloody.
Having accomplished all that seemed necessary, on the 21st of
January, with my entire headquarters, officers, clerks, orderlies, etc.,
with wagons and horses, I embarked in a steamer for Beaufort, South
Carolina, touching at Hilton Head, to see General Foster. The weather
was rainy and bad, but we reached Beaufort safely on the 23d, and found
some of General Blair's troops there. The pink of his corps
(Seventeenth) was, however, up on the railroad about Pocotaligo, near
the head of Broad River, to which their supplies were carried from
Hilton Head by steamboats. General Hatch's division (of General Foster's
command) was still at Coosawhatchie or Tullafinny, where the Charleston
& Savannah Railroad crosses the river of that name. All the country
between Beaufort and Pocotaligo was low alluvial land, cut up by an
infinite number of salt-water sloughs and freshwater creeks, easily
susceptible of defense by a small force; and why the enemy had allowed
us to make a lodgment at Pocotaligo so easily I did not understand,
unless it resulted from fear or ignorance. It seemed to me then that the
terrible energy they had displayed in the earlier stages of the war was
beginning to yield to the slower but more certain industry and
discipline of our Northern men. It was to me manifest that the soldiers
and people of the South entertained an undue fear of our Western men,
and, like children, they had invented such ghostlike stories of our
prowess in Georgia, that they were scared by their own inventions.
Still, this was a power, and I intended to utilize it. Somehow, our men
had got the idea that South Carolina was the cause of all our troubles;
her people were the first to fire on Fort Sumter, had been in a great
hurry to precipitate the country into civil war; and therefore on them
should fall the scourge of war in its worst form. Taunting messages had
also come to us, when in Georgia, to the effect that, when we should
reach South Carolina, we would find a people less passive, who would
fight us to the bitter end, daring us to come over, etc.; so that I saw
and felt that we would not be able longer to restrain our men as we had
done in Georgia.
Personally I had many friends in Charleston, to whom I would gladly
have extended protection and mercy, but they were beyond my personal
reach, and I would not restrain the army lest its vigor and energy
should be impaired; and I had every reason to expect bold and strong
resistance at the many broad and deep rivers that lay across our path.
General Foster's Department of the South had been enlarged to embrace
the coast of North Carolina, so that the few troops serving there, under
the command of General Innis N. Palmer, at Newbern, became subject to my
command. General A. H. Terry held Fort Fisher, and a rumor came that he
had taken the city of Wilmington; but this was premature. He had about
eight thousand men. General Schofield was also known to be en route from
Nashville for North Carolina, with the entire Twenty-third Corps, so
that I had every reason to be satisfied that I would receive additional
strength as we progressed northward, and before I should need it.
General W. J. Hardee commanded the Confederate forces in Charleston,
with the Salkiehatchie River as his line of defense. It was also known
that General Beauregard had come from the direction of Tennessee, and
had assumed the general command of all the troops designed to resist our
The heavy winter rains had begun early in January, rendered the roads
execrable, and the Savannah River became so swollen that it filled its
many channels, overflowing the vast extent of rice-fields that lay on
the east bank. This flood delayed our departure two weeks; for it swept
away our pontoon-bridge at Savannah, and came near drowning John E.
Smith's division of the Fifteenth Corps, with several heavy trains of
wagons that were en route from Savannah to Pocotaligo by the old
General Slocum had already ferried two of his divisions across the
river, when Sister's Ferry, about forty miles above Savannah, was
selected for the passage of the rest of his wing and of Kilpatrick's
cavalry. The troops were in motion for that point before I quitted
Savannah, and Captain S. B. Luce, United States Navy, had reported to me
with a gunboat (the Pontiac) and a couple of transports, which I
requested him to use in protecting Sister's Ferry during the passage of
Slocum's wing, and to facilitate the passage of the troops all he could.
The utmost activity prevailed at all points, but it was manifest we
could not get off much before the 1st day of February; so I determined
to go in person to Pocotaligo, and there act as though we were bound for
Charleston. On the 24th of January I started from Beaufort with a part
of my staff, leaving the rest to follow at leisure, rode across the
island to a pontoon-bridge that spanned the channel between it and the
main-land, and thence rode by Garden's Corners to a plantation not far
from Pocotaligo, occupied by General Blair. There we found a house, with
a majestic avenue of live-oaks, whose limbs had been cut away by the
troops for firewood, and desolation marked one of those splendid South
Carolina estates where the proprietors formerly had dispensed a
hospitality that distinguished the old regime of that proud State. I
slept on the floor of the house, but the night was so bitter cold that I
got up by the fire several times, and when it burned low I rekindled it
with an old mantel-clock and the wreck of a bedstead which stood in a
corner of the room--the only act of vandalism that I recall done by
myself personally during the war.
The next morning I rode to Pocotaligo, and thence reconnoitred our
entire line down to Coosawhatchie. Pocotaligo Fort was on low, alluvial
ground, and near it began the sandy pine-land which connected with the
firm ground extending inland, constituting the chief reason for its
capture at the very first stage of the campaign. Hatch's division was
ordered to that point from Coosawhatchie, and the whole of Howard's
right wing was brought near by, ready to start by the 1st of February. I
also reconnoitred the point of the Salkiehatchie River, where the
Charleston Railroad crossed it, found the bridge protected by a rebel
battery on the farther side, and could see a few men about it; but the
stream itself was absolutely impassable, for the whole bottom was
overflowed by its swollen waters to the breadth of a full mile.
Nevertheless, Force's and Mower's divisions of the Seventeenth Corps
were kept active, seemingly with the intention to cross over in the
direction of Charleston, and thus to keep up the delusion that that city
was our immediate "objective." Meantime, I had reports from General
Slocum of the terrible difficulties he had encountered about Sister's
Ferry, where the Savannah River was reported nearly three miles wide,
and it seemed for a time almost impossible for him to span it at all
with his frail pontoons. About this time (January 25th), the weather
cleared away bright and cold, and I inferred that the river would soon
run down, and enable Slocum to pass the river before February 1st. One
of the divisions of the Fifteenth Corps (Corse's) had also been cut off
by the loss of the pontoon-bridge at Savannah, so that General Slocum
had with him, not only his own two corps, but Corse's division and
Kilpatrick's cavalry, without which it was not prudent for me to
inaugurate the campaign. We therefore rested quietly about Pocotaligo,
collecting stores and making final preparations, until the 1st of
February, when I learned that the cavalry and two divisions of the
Twentieth Corps were fairly across the river, and then gave the
necessary orders for the march northward.
Before closing this chapter, I will add a few original letters that
bear directly on the subject, and tend to illustrate it:
OF THE UNITED STATES
WASHINGTON, D. C. January 21, 1866.
Major-General W. T.
SHERMAN, commanding Military Division of the Mississippi.
GENERAL: Your letters brought by General Barnard were
received at City Point, and read with interest. Not having them
with me, however, I cannot say that in this I will be able to
satisfy you on all points of recommendation. As I arrived here
at 1 p.m., and must leave at 6 p.m., having in the mean time
spent over three hours with the secretary and General Halleck, I
must be brief. Before your last request to have Thomas make a
campaign into the heart of Alabama, I had ordered Schofield to
Annapolis, Maryland, with his corps. The advance (six thousand)
will reach the seaboard by the 23d, the remainder following as
rapidly as railroad transportation can be procured from
Cincinnati. The corps numbers over twenty-one thousand men.
Thomas is still left with a sufficient force, surplus to go to
Selma under an energetic leader. He has been telegraphed to, to
know whether he could go, and, if so, by which of several routes
he would select. No reply is yet received. Canby has been
ordered to set offensively from the seacoast to the interior,
toward Montgomery and Selma. Thomas's forces will move from the
north at an early day, or some of his troops will be sent to
Canby. Without further reenforcement Canby will have a moving
column of twenty thousand men.
Fort Fisher, you are aware, has been captured. We have a force
there of eight thousand effective. At Newbern about half the
number. It is rumored, through deserters, that Wilmington also
has fallen. I am inclined to believe the rumor, because on the
17th we knew the enemy were blowing up their works about Fort
Caswell, and that on the 18th Terry moved on Wilmington.
If Wilmington is captured, Schofield will go there. If not, he
will be sent to Newbern. In either event, all the surplus forces
at the two points will move to the interior, toward Goldsboro',
in cooperation with your movements. From either point, railroad
communications can be run out, there being here abundance of
rolling-stock suited to the gauge of those roads.
There have been about sixteen thousand men sent from Lee's army
south. Of these, you will have fourteen thousand against you, if
Wilmington is not held by the enemy, casualties at Fort Fisher
having overtaken about two thousand.
All other troops are subject to your orders as you come in
communication with them. They will be so instructed. From about
Richmond I will watch Lee closely, and if he detaches many men,
or attempts to evacuate, will pitch in. In the meantime, should
you be brought to a halt anywhere, I can send two corps of
thirty thousand effective men to your support, from the troops
To resume: Canby is ordered to operate to the interior from the
Gulf. A. J. Smith may go from the north, but I think it
doubtful. A force of twenty-eight or thirty thousand will
cooperate with you from Newbern or Wilmington, or both. You can
call for reenforcements.
This will be handed you by Captain Hudson, of my staff, who will
return with any message you may have for me. If there is any
thing I can do for you in the way of having supplies on
shipboard, at any point on the seacoast, ready for you, let me
U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 29, 1885.
Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, City Point, Virginia.
DEAR GENERAL: Captain Hudson has this moment arrived with
your letter of January 21st, which I have read with interest.
The capture of Fort Fisher has a most important bearing on my
campaign, and I rejoice in it for many reasons, because of its
intrinsic importance, and because it gives me another point of
security on the seaboard. I hope General Terry will follow it up
by the capture of Wilmington, although I do not look for it,
from Admiral Porter's dispatch to me. I rejoice that Terry was
not a West-Pointer, that he belonged to your army, and that he
had the same troops with which Butler feared to make the
Admiral Dahlgren, whose fleet is reenforced by some more
ironclads, wants to make an assault a la Fisher on Fort
Moultrie, but I withhold my consent, for the reason that the
capture of all Sullivan's Island is not conclusive as to
Charleston; the capture of James Island would be, but all
pronounce that impossible at this time. Therefore, I am moving
(as hitherto designed) for the railroad west of Branchville,
then will swing across to Orangeburg, which will interpose my
army between Charleston and the interior. Contemporaneous with
this, Foster will demonstrate up the Edisto, and afterward make
a lodgment at Bull's Bay, and occupy the common road which leads
from Mount Pleasant toward Georgetown. When I get to Columbia, I
think I shall move straight for Goldsboro', via Fayetteville. By
this circuit I cut all roads, and devastate the land; and the
forces along the coast, commanded by Foster, will follow my
movement, taking any thing the enemy lets go, or so occupy his
attention that he cannot detach all his forces against me. I
feel sure of getting Wilmington, and may be Charleston, and
being at Goldsboro', with its railroads finished back to
Morehead City and Wilmington, I can easily take Raleigh, when it
seems that Lee must come out. If Schofield comes to Beaufort, he
should be pushed out to Kinston, on the Neuse, and may be
Goldsboro' (or, rather, a point on the Wilmington road, south of
Goldsboro'). It is not necessary to storm Goldsboro', because it
is in a distant region, of no importance in itself, and, if its
garrison is forced to draw supplies from its north, it, will be
eating up the same stores on which Lee depends for his command.
I have no doubt Hood will bring his army to Augusta. Canby and
Thomas should penetrate Alabama as far as possible, to keep
employed at least a part of Hood's army; or, what would
accomplish the same thing, Thomas might reoccupy the railroad
from Chattanooga forward to the Etowah, viz., Rome, Kingston,
and Allatoona, thereby threatening Georgia. I know that the
Georgia troops are disaffected. At Savannah I met delegates from
several counties of the southwest, who manifested a decidedly
hostile spirit to the Confederate cause. I nursed the feeling as
far as possible, and instructed Grower to keep it up.
My left wing must now be at Sister's Ferry, crossing the
Savannah River to the east bank. Slocum has orders to be at
Robertsville to-morrow, prepared to move on Barnwell. Howard is
here, all ready to start for the Augusta Railroad at Midway.
We find the enemy on the east aide of the Salkiehatchie, and
cavalry in our front; but all give ground on our approach, and
seem to be merely watching us. If we start on Tuesday, in one
week we shall be near Orangeburg, having broken up the Augusta
road from the Edisto westward twenty or twenty-five miles. I
will be sure that every rail is twisted. Should we encounter too
much opposition near Orangeburg, then I will for a time neglect
that branch, and rapidly move on Columbia, and fill up the
triangle formed by the Congaree and Wateree (tributaries of the
Santee), breaking up that great centre of the Carolina roads. Up
to that point I feel full confidence, but from there may have to
manoeuvre some, and will be guided by the questions of weather
You remember we had fine weather last February for our Meridian
trip, and my memory of the weather at Charleston is, that
February is usually a fine month. Before the March storms come
we should be within striking distance of the coast. The months
of April and May will be the best for operations from Goldsboro'
to Raleigh and the Roanoke. You may rest assured that I will
keep my troops well in hand, and, if I get worsted, will aim to
make the enemy pay so dearly that you will have less to do. I
know that this trip is necessary; it must be made sooner or
later; I am on time, and in the right position for it. My army
is large enough for the purpose, and I ask no reinforcement, but
simply wish the utmost activity to be kept up at all other
points, so that concentration against me may not be universal.
I suspect that Jeff. Davis will move heaven and earth to catch
me, for success to this column is fatal to his dream of empire.
Richmond is not more vital to his cause than Columbia and the
heart of South Carolina.
If Thomas will not move on Selma, order him to occupy Rome,
Kingston, and Allatoona, and again threaten Georgia in the
direction of Athena.
I think the "poor white trash" of the South are falling out of
their ranks by sickness, desertion, and every available means;
but there is a large class of vindictive Southerners who will
fight to the last. The squabbles in Richmond, the howls in
Charleston, and the disintegration elsewhere, are all good omens
for us; we must not relax one iota, but, on the contrary, pile
up our efforts: I world, ere this, have been off, but we had
terrific rains, which caught us in motion, and nearly drowned
some of the troops in the rice-fields of the Savannah, swept
away our causeway (which had been carefully corduroyed), and
made the swamps hereabout mere lakes of slimy mud. The weather
is now good, and I have the army on terra firma. Supplies, too,
came for a long time by daily driblets instead of in bulk; this
is now all remedied, and I hope to start on Tuesday.
I will issue instructions to General Foster, based on the
reenforcements of North Carolina; but if Schofield comes, you
had better relieve Foster, who cannot take the field, and needs
an operation on his leg. Let Schofield take command, with his
headquarters at Beaufort, North Carolina, and with orders to
secure Goldsboro' (with its railroad communication back to
Beaufort and Wilmington). If Lee lets us get that position, he
is gone up.
I will start with my Atlanta army (sixty thousand), supplied as
before, depending on the country for all food in excess of
thirty days. I will have less cattle on the hoof, but I hear of
hogs, cows, and calves, in Barnwell and the Colombia districts.
Even here we have found some forage. Of course, the enemy will
carry off and destroy some forage, but I will burn the houses
where the people burn their forage, and they will get tired of
I must risk Hood, and trust to you to hold Lee or be on his
heels if he comes south. I observe that the enemy has some
respect for my name, for they gave up Pocotaligo without a fight
when they heard that the attacking force belonged to my army. I
will try and keep up that feeling, which is a real power. With
respect, your friend,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-general commanding.
P. S.--I leave my chief-quartermaster and commissary behind to
W. T. S.
[Dispatch No. 6.]
SAVANNAH RIVER, January 4, 1865.
HON. GIDEON WELLS,
Secretary of the Navy.
SIR: I have already apprised the Department that the army of
General Sherman occupied the city of Savannah on the 21st of
The rebel army, hardly respectable in numbers or condition,
escaped by crossing the river and taking the Union Causeway
toward the railroad.
I have walked about the city several times, and can affirm that
its tranquillity is undisturbed. The Union soldiers who are
stationed within its limits are as orderly as if they were in
New York or Boston.... One effect of the march of General
Sherman through Georgia has been to satisfy the people that
their credulity has been imposed upon by the lying assertions of
the rebel Government, affirming the inability of the United
States Government to withstand the armies of rebeldom. They have
seen the old flag of the United States carried by its victorious
legions through their State, almost unopposed, and placed in
their principal city without a blow.
Since the occupation of the city General Sherman has been
occupied in making arrangements for its security after he leaves
it for the march that he meditates. My attention has been
directed to such measures of cooperation as the number and
quality of my force permit.
On the 2d I arrived here from Charleston, whither, as I stated
in my dispatch of the 29th of December, I had gone in
consequence of information from the senior officer there that
the rebels contemplated issuing from the harbor, and his request
for my presence. Having placed a force there of seven monitors,
sufficient to meet each an emergency, and not perceiving any
sign of the expected raid, I returned to Savannah, to keep in
communication with General Sherman and be ready to render any
assistance that might be desired. General Sherman has fully
informed me of his plans, and, so far as my means permit, they
shall not lack assistance by water.
On the 3d the transfer of the right wing to Beaufort was began,
and the only suitable vessel I had at hand (the Harvest Moon)
was sent to Thunderbolt to receive the first embarkation. This
took place about 3 p.m., and was witnessed by General Sherman
and General Bernard (United States Engineers) and myself. The
Pontiac is ordered around to assist, and the army transports
also followed the first move by the Harvest Moon.
I could not help remarking the unbroken silence that prevailed
in the large array of troops; not a voice was to be heard, as
they gathered in masses on the bluff to look at the vessels. The
notes of a solitary bugle alone came from their midst.
General Barnard made a brief visit to one of the rebel works (Cansten's
Bluff) that dominated this water-course--the best approach of
the kind to Savannah.
I am collecting data that will fully exhibit to the Department
the powerful character of the defenses of the city and its
approaches. General Sherman will not retain the extended limits
they embrace. but will contract the line very much.
General Foster still holds the position near the Tullifinny.
With his concurrence I have detached the fleet brigade, and the
men belonging to it have returned to their vessels. The
excellent service performed by this detachment has fully
realized my wishes, and exemplified the efficiency of the
organization--infantry and light artillery handled as
skirmishers. The howitzers were always landed as quickly as the
men, and were brought into action before the light pieces of the
land-service could be got ashore.
I regret very much that the reduced complements of the vessels
prevent me from maintaining the force in constant organization.
With three hundred more marines and five hundred seamen I could
frequently operate to great advantage, at the present time, when
the attention of the rebels is so engrossed by General Sherman.
It is said that they have a force at Hardeeville, the pickets of
which were retained on the Union Causeway until a few days
since, when some of our troops crossed the river and pushed them
back. Concurrently with this, I caused the Sonoma to anchor so
as to sweep the ground in the direction of the causeway.
The transfer of the right-wing (thirty thousand men) to Beaufort
will so imperil the rebel force at Hardeeville that it will be
cut off or dispersed, if not moved in season.
Meanwhile I will send the Dai-Ching to St. Helena, to meet any
want that may arise in that quarter, while the Mingo and Pontiac
will be ready to act from Broad River.
The general route of the army will be northward; but the exact
direction must be decided more or less by circumstances which it
may not be possible to foresee....
My cooperation will be confined to assistance in attacking
Charleston, or in establishing communication at Georgetown, in
case the army pushes on without attacking Charleston, and time
alone will show which of these will eventuate.
The weather of the winter first, and the condition of the ground
in spring, would permit little advantage to be derived from the
presence of the army at Richmond until the middle of May. So
that General Sherman has no reason to move in haste, but can
choose such objects as he prefers, and take as much time as
their attainment may demand. The Department will learn the
objects in view of General Sherman more precisely from a letter
addressed by him to General Halleck, which he read to me a few
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
J. A. DAHLGREN,
Rear-Admiral, commanding South-Atlantic Blockading-Squadron.
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 29, 1885.
GENERAL: I have just received dispatches from General Grant,
stating that Schofield's corps (the Twenty-third), twenty-one
thousand strong, is ordered east from Tennessee, and will be
sent to Beaufort, North Carolina. That is well; I want that
force to secure a point on the railroad about Goldsboro', and
then to build the railroad out to that point. If Goldsboro' be
too strong to carry by a rapid movement, then a point near the
Neuse, south of Goldsboro', will answer, but the bridge and
position about Kinston, should be held and fortified strong. The
movement should be masked by the troops already at Newbern.
Please notify General Palmer that these troops are coming, and
to be prepared to receive them. Major-General Schofield will
command in person, and is admirably adapted for the work. If it
is possible, I want him to secure Goldsboro', with the railroad
back to Morehead City and Wilmington. As soon as General
Schofield reaches Fort Macon, have him to meet some one of your
staff, to explain in full the details of the situation of
affairs with me; and you can give him the chief command of all
troops at Cape Fear and in North Carolina. If he finds the enemy
has all turned south against me, he need not follow, but turn
his attention against Raleigh; if he can secure Goldsboro' and
Wilmington, it will be as much as I expect before I have passed
the Santee. Send him all detachments of men that have come to
join my army. They can be so organized and officered as to be
efficient, for they are nearly all old soldiers who have been
detached or on furlough. Until I pass the Santee, you can better
use these detachments at Bull's Bay, Georgetown, etc.
I will instruct General McCallum, of the Railroad Department, to
take his men up to Beaufort, North Carolina, and employ them on
the road out. I do not know that he can use them on any road
here. I did instruct him, while awaiting information from North
Carolina, to have them build a good trestle-bridge across Port
Royal ferry; but I now suppose the pontoon-bridge will do. If
you move the pontoons, be sure to make a good road out to
Garden's Corners, and mark it with sign-boards--obstructing the
old road, so that, should I send back any detachments, they
would not be misled.
I prefer that Hatch's force should not be materially weakened
until I am near Columbia, when you may be governed by the
situation of affairs about Charleston. If you can break the
railroad between this and Charleston, then this force could be
I am, with respect, etc.,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 18, 1865.
Hon. EDWIN M.
STANTON, Secretary of War,
Washington, D. C.
SIR: When you left Savannah a few days ago, you forgot the
map which General Geary had prepared for you, showing the route
by which his division entered the city of Savannah, being the
first troops to occupy that city. I now send it to you.
I avail myself of the opportunity also to inclose you copies of
all my official orders touching trade and intercourse with the
people of Georgia, as well as for the establishment of the negro
Delegations of the people of Georgia continue to come in, and I
am satisfied that, by judicious handling and by a little respect
shown to their prejudices, we can create a schism in Jeff.
Davis's dominions. All that I have conversed with realize the
truth that slavery as an institution is defunct, and the only
questions that remain are what disposition shall be made of the
negroes themselves. I confess myself unable to offer a complete
solution for these questions, and prefer to leave it to the
slower operations of time. We have given the initiative, and can
afford to await the working of the experiment.
As to trade-matters, I also think it is to our interest to keep
the Southern people somewhat dependent on the articles of
commerce to which they have hitherto been accustomed. General
Grover is now here, and will, I think, be able to handle this
matter judiciously, and may gradually relax, and invite cotton
to come in in large quantities. But at first we should manifest
no undue anxiety on that score; for the rebels would at once
make use of it as a power against us. We should assume, a tone
of perfect contempt for cotton and every thing else in
comparison with the great object of the war--the restoration of
the Union, with all its rights and power. It the rebels burn
cotton as a war measure, they simply play into our hands by
taking away the only product of value they have to exchange in
foreign ports for war-ships and munitions. By such a course,
also, they alienate the feelings of a large class of small
farmers who look to their little parcels of cotton to exchange
for food and clothing for their families. I hope the Government
will not manifest too much anxiety to obtain cotton in large
quantities, and especially that the President will not indorse
the contracts for the purchase of large quantities of cotton.
Several contracts, involving from six to ten thousand bales,
indorsed by Mr. Lincoln, have been shown me, but were not in
such a form as to amount to an order to compel me to facilitate
As to Treasury agents, and agents to take charge of confiscated
and abandoned property, whose salaries depend on their fees, I
can only say that, as a general rule, they are mischievous and
disturbing elements to a military government, and it is almost
impossible for us to study the law and regulations so as to
understand fully their powers and duties. I rather think the
Quartermaster's Department of the army could better fulfill all
their duties and accomplish all that is aimed at by the law. Yet
on this subject I will leave Generals Foster and Grover to do
the best they can.
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.
MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,
IN THE FIELD, POCOTALIGO, SOUTH CAROLINA, January 2, 1865.
EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.
SIR: I have just received from Lieutenant-General Grant a
copy of that part of your telegram to him of December 26th
relating to cotton, a copy of which has been immediately
furnished to General Easton, chief-quartermaster, who will be
strictly governed by it.
I had already been approached by all the consuls and half the
people of Savannah on this cotton question, and my invariable
answer was that all the cotton in Savannah was prize of war,
belonged to the United States, and nobody should recover a bale
of it with my consent; that, as cotton had been one of the chief
causes of this war, it should help to pay its expenses; that all
cotton became tainted with treason from the hour the first act
of hostility was committed against the United States some time
in December, 1860; and that no bill of sale subsequent to that
date could convey title.
My orders were that an officer of the Quartermaster's
Department, United States Army, might furnish the holder, agent,
or attorney, a mere certificate of the fact of seizure, with
description of the bales' marks, etc., the cotton then to be
turned over to the agent of the Treasury Department, to be
shipped to New York for sale. But, since the receipt of your
dispatch, I have ordered General Easton to make the shipment
himself to the quartermaster at New York, where you can dispose
of it at pleasure. I do not think the Treasury Department ought
to bother itself with the prizes or captures of war.
Mr. Barclay, former consul at New York, representing Mr.
Molyneux, former consul here, but absent a long time, called on
me with reference to cotton claimed by English subjects. He
seemed amazed when I told him I should pay no respect to
consular certificates, that in no event would I treat an English
subject with more favor than one of our own deluded citizens,
and that for my part I was unwilling to fight for cotton for the
benefit of Englishmen openly engaged in smuggling arms and
instruments of war to kill us; that, on the contrary, it would
afford me great satisfaction to conduct my army to Nassau, and
wipe out that nest of pirates. I explained to him, however, that
I was not a diplomatic agent of the General Government of the
United States, but that my opinion, so frankly expressed, was
that of a soldier, which it would be well for him to heed. It
appeared, also, that he owned a plantation on the line of
investment of Savannah, which, of course, was pillaged, and for
which he expected me to give some certificate entitling him to
indemnification, which I declined emphatically.
I have adopted in Savannah rules concerning property--severe but
just--founded upon the laws of nations and the practice of
civilized governments, and am clearly of opinion that we should
claim all the belligerent rights over conquered countries, that
the people may realize the truth that war is no child's play.
I embrace in this a copy of a letter, dated December 31, 1864,
in answer to one from Solomon Cohen (a rich lawyer) to General
Blair, his personal friend, as follows:
Major-General F. P.
BLAIR, commanding Seventeenth Army Corps.
GENERAL: Your note, inclosing Mr. Cohen's of this date, is
received, and I answer frankly through you his inquiries.
1. No one can practise law as an attorney in the United
States without acknowledging the supremacy of our Government. If
I am not in error, an attorney is as much an officer of the
court as the clerk, and it would be a novel thing in a
government to have a court to administer law which denied the
supremacy of the government itself.
2. No one will be allowed the privileges of a merchant, or,
rather, to trade is a privilege which no one should seek of the
Government without in like manner acknowledging its supremacy.
3. If Mr. Cohen remains in Savannah as a denizen, his property,
real and personal, will not be disturbed unless its temporary
use be necessary for the military authorities of the city. The
title to property will not be disturbed in any event, until
adjudicated by the courts of the United States.
4. If Mr. Cohen leaves Savannah under my Special Order No. 148,
it is a public acknowledgment that he "adheres to the enemies of
the United States," and all his property becomes forfeited to
the United States. But, as a matter of favor, he will be allowed
to carry with him clothing and furniture for the use of himself,
his family, and servants, and will be trans ported within the
enemy's lines, but not by way of Port Royal.
These rules will apply to all parties, and from them no
exception will be made.
I have the honor to be, general, your obedient servant,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.
This letter was in answer to specific inquiries; it is clear,
and covers all the points, and, should I leave before my orders
are executed, I will endeavor to impress upon my successor,
General Foster, their wisdom and propriety.
I hope the course I have taken in these matters will meet your
approbation, and that the President will not refund to parties
claiming cotton or other property, without the strongest
evidence of loyalty and friendship on the part of the claimant,
or unless some other positive end is to be gained.
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,
W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.