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Robert E. Lee Portrait
Page) habituated to a regular, systematic life, with ability enough
to keep all surroundings subordinate to that system. It would seem as if, were
she to be superseded in her kitchen, she would lose her hold on life, and the
whole "darkey" appendage to the domestic establishment would be deprived of its
When, therefore, on the first
occupation of the premises, she was told that so long as she did right she would
keep her place in the kitchen, and receive six dollars a month, the "old lady"
appreciated her position at once, and from that day forth, without further
trouble to her employer, was secured the proper regulation and deportment of all
the servants "on the lot"—men, women, and children—and of all who visit them.
Nothing ever happens among them to annoy or displease. The household is as
well-ordered as if her old mistress were there to direct. In fact, appearances
would lead to an inference that the old colored servant had heretofore
habitually relieved her mistress of all such direction.
"Aunt Charlotte's" domestic
relations are as well-ordered as the household. She has children,
grand-children, and great grand-children. Her old husband—"Uncle Sam"—in propria
persona—now almost superannuated, at the age of seventy-five, is General
Burnside's gardener. It is touching to witness the habitual care which "Old
Aunty" takes of this venerable partner of her life and her bondage. As regular
as the clock the old man, with his staff, comes in at mid-afternoon from his
daily employment. He invariably finds a chair set for him on the kitchen piazza,
by the side of a well-scoured deal table. On this "Old Aunty" places before him
a plate well filled from all the dishes which she has that day served for her
employer's table. But "Aunty's" provisions go further than supplying the
appetite. She shows, mayhap, her knowledge of human nature—at any rate, the
value of keeping the faculties awake even after a good dinner; for, by the side
of "Uncle Sam's" chair is invariably placed a small basket of corn in the ear.
And after his dinner, the old man may always be seen wearing away the late hours
of the afternoon in shelling off the corn for the cow's supper; for "our old
cook" allows nothing "on the lot" to suffer for food.
Our sketch is a faithful everyday
picture of the old lady, as she wished it taken, in an attitude showing her
attendance to the duties of her sphere.
"Aunt Charlotte" has many virtues
that ennoble her position. And in the industrious performance of her duties in
life, and in her attention to her Christian obligations—for she is a devoted
church-member, and regulates her everyday life by her simple understanding of
the precepts of the Bible—she might safely be held up as an example to many who
pride themselves on purer blood and a higher scale of existence.
SATURDAY, AUGUST 16, 1862.
THE President has ordered a draft
of THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN from the loyal States, in addition to the new levy
of three hundred thousand volunteers, whose ranks, in case they are not filled
by 15th inst., are likewise to be filled by draft.
The people have received the news
with exultation. A few craven spirits show signs of alarm; but the immense bulk
of the people, including those who are subject to draft, hail the new policy
with transport, as being the shortest and the only reliable road to the
restoration of the Union and the re-establishment of peace. We must have, at the
present time, fully 300,000 men in the field. An additional force of 600,000
will swell our army to the enormous figure of 900,000 effective men, exclusive
of negroes. This force will enable us to sweep the rebels into the Gulf of
Mexico, even though they should arm every male in their country. We may,
therefore, consider the Presidential order of 4th inst. as rendering the victory
of the Union a mathematical certainty, beyond all contingency and peradventure.
It will be received in our camps
Mississippi and the
James River with feelings which can be more
easily imagined than described. Those gallant bands of heroes, whose ranks have
been thinned by the enemy's cannon and the fevers of the
Chickahominy and the Tennessee, will learn with
inexpressible delight that they are at last to be fully reinforced, and enabled
to perform the work which they have undertaken. Our army in the West will read
the order as meaning that
Vicksburg is to be taken, the highwaymen who
call themselves guerrillas hunted down and hung, and the navigation of the
Mississippi secured beyond all possibility of accident.
The Army of Virginia and the
Army of the Potomac will discern in it
substantial evidence that they are to receive from home the strength which they
require to take
Richmond, and drive the wretched, lying,
swaggering slave-owners beyond Virginia into the swamps of the Carolinas, and
eventually to the sands of the Gulf. A distinguished officer of the army of the
Potomac, who has been here on public business for several days, could not
control his feelings when he read the order, but burst into tears like a child,
and, falling on his knees, cried, "Thank God! thank God! The country is saved!
And we who have staid at home,
and died a hundred deaths in spirit at the news of our brave
brothers being outnumbered in
every fight, and perishing miserably in swamps and torrid sand-plains, what
shall we say of the news? What can we say except to echo the cry of the officer,
and thank God that the country is saved at last, and that our rulers have at
length learned the duty of making our superior strength tell in the war, and of
leaving nothing hereafter to chance. The policy of drafting once adopted, its
application becomes indefinite. The North can satisfy EIGHT more drafts of
300,000 men each, after supplying the 600,000 now called for. If the 900,000
men, who will soon be in the field, should by any accident prove insufficient to
subjugate the rebels and hold them down, it will be a matter of perfect ease to
call out another levy of 300,000 or 500,000. The work has got to be done, and we
can and will do it.
The effect upon the rebels of our
new policy will be worth observing. Those among them who have any capacity of
reasoning left must realize that it deprives them of the small chance of success
which they derived from the previous feebleness of our military policy, and from
the division of commands. With all their skill and all their devilish energy
they can not hope to cope with 900,000 Northern troops. Such a man as
Jefferson Davis must perceive that the cause of
the Confederacy is lost.
Beauregard, Toombs, and Lovell made the
discovery some time since. If the Southern leaders were wise, they would
anticipate the future, and at once offer to capitulate, so that their people
should escape the consequences of the
Confiscation Act. But men engaged in desperate
enterprises seldom preserve coolness enough to reverse their policy at critical
moments. The probability is that the rebels will be spurred on by the news of
the order of 4th to undertake a furious onslaught on
Nashville—that they will stake every thing upon
the die, and will either capture the Federal capital at a frightful loss of
life, or will utterly ruin themselves in the attempt.
Meanwhile let us not rashly
conclude, because the Governments of foreign nations have no present intention
of interfering, that foreign intervention may never become possible. Let every
iron-foundry in the country, and every ship-yard, be kept employed to its
fullest capacity in the construction of the most approved kind of iron-clad
ships. Until the war ends, let us never stop building. One hundred impregnable
vessels would not be too much to defend so long a coast line as ours, with its
bays and rivers. There is no guarantee that is absolutely reliable against
foreign intervention but the certainty of being able to repel it.
The work which we have to do is
immense. But our capacity is still greater. The South has already developed its
full strength. Every able-bodied man is in the army. Every weapon in the rebel
States is in use. The public credit is strained to the utmost. Every day
increases the difficulty of feeding new levies and arming and transporting them.
Of us, on the contrary, we may say, with Paul Jones, that we have only just
begun to fight. We have, besides the 900,000 men who will soon be in the field,
a reserve of over 2,000,000 fighting men to fall back upon. Our supply of arms
of all kinds is prodigious and daily increasing. Our people are only just
awaking to the fact that this is a death-struggle for them as well as for the
rebels. Our means are unlimited, and our public credit stands higher than it did
a year ago. After a year's blundering our military machinery is in order at
last. We can now transport and feed and clothe and arm an army more easily than
we could have done a regiment a year ago. After a year's playing at war, we have
discovered that, in order to beat, subjugate, and keep down 5,000,000 people on
their own soil, we must employ every weapon we can find, and enlist in our
service every creature and every thing that can assist us—including the
3,000,000 negroes who are ready to take our side.
In the language of gallant
General Burnside: "All is right; all is going
right: only you must fill up the old regiments!"
THE most amusing reading of the
day is the articles in the British journals on
General BUTLER. In one article in a leading
British paper we find our gallant General accused of "outraging nature and the
law of nations," called a "shabby attorney," a "by-word and a hissing,"
"brutal," "licentious," "insolent," and "vulgar;" "a Yankee spy," a
"pettifogger," a dealer in "ungrammatical dirt," "daily lies," "deceit, vanity,
and empty boasting." Nearly all the British papers assume, as a matter of
undoubted historical certainty, that General BUTLER consigned the "pure and
modern maidens and matrons" of
New Orleans to the "brutal licentiousness of a
Northern soldiery"—the fact being, as these writers know perfectly well, that
not one single lady in New Orleans has been outraged or insulted, and that no
idea of outrage or insult ever existed save in the foul and prurient
imaginations of these "guardians of civilization." So far from imitating the
conduct of the British soldiery at Badajos, Lucknow, Delhi, Canton, etc.—where
every female who could be found was brutally outraged—so far
from copying the "Booty and
beauty" precedent established by the British General PAKENHAM at this very spot,
nearly half a century since—the troops under the command of General BUTLER have
so conducted themselves that not a single complaint of wrong has yet been made
by a female, though there have been
women in New Orleans so forgetful of modesty
and decency as to endeavor to provoke assault by repeatedly insulting our
soldiers, and even by spitting on the coffin of a dead officer of our army.
When the history of this eventful
period comes to be written few actors upon the scene will win more encomium from
the historian than General BUTLER. His task has been one of supereminent
difficulty. He was placed in command of the commercial metropolis of rebeldom,
and called upon to hold it with a force about one-third as great as that which
fled at his approach. He had to govern a city nine-tenths of whose people had
relatives in the rebel army, and who were savagely hostile to him. For ten years
before he came New Orleans had been in the hands of organized bands of Thugs,
murderers, and robbers, who had overawed the authorities, and who, under the
disorderly period of rebel supremacy, had perpetrated every crime with perfect
impunity. For years, the season during which he was to hold New Orleans had been
so unhealthy that it was as much as a man's life was worth to spend a week in
the place; yet he was to stay here with 5000 or 6000 Northern, unacclimated
soldiers. On him devolved the duty of regulating the civil relations of
non-combatant rebels toward the Union; of tracing out a path for the safe
administration of military government in a rebel city; of securing some supplies
of sugar and cotton for the North and food for the starving families of rebels;
of dealing with an extremely factious, treacherous, and rascally gang of
foreigners, sympathizers with the rebellion, and claiming the protection of
their respective Governments as a cloak for schemes of treason.
The historian will decide that
General BUTLER'S success in grappling with these unparalleled difficulties was
so marked and so brilliant as to entitle him to the highest rank among
statesmen. For the first time for ten years he has given to New Orleans a good
and a strong government. He has put down the Thugs. He has given employment in
cleaning the streets to the unemployed workmen, and has thus fed their families
and kept the city healthy. He will probably demonstrate before the year is out
that yellow fever, which has been the scourge of New Orleans, has been merely
the fruit of native dirt, and that a little Northern cleanliness is an effectual
guarantee against it. He has held the reins of government with so firm a hand
that neither the traitors within nor the rebels without the city have ventured
to attack him. He has reopened the port to Northern trade, and under his
auspices Southern cotton and sugar are again being exchanged for Northern food.
He has fought the foreign intriguers and consuls, and discomfited them at all
points. He has established safe and sound precedents for the administration of
military government in conquered cities which will be followed for generations.
He has with soldierly promptitude rescued Northern property from the hands of
Southern rogues. And at the same time he has not inflicted a single injustice
upon the most rancorous of his enemies.
If we had a few more
Major-Generals like BUTLER the rebellion would be crushed in short order.
AT the moment of writing the
public mind is in a curious condition of suspense. It seems almost to resemble
that of the great and good Wigfall in the midst of our spring victories, who
said, with bitter humor, upon being asked the news, that he had heard of no new
disaster since dinner.
The nation lies in a torpor or
apathy. It is sound, as we sincerely believe, and heartily resolved and fully
capable. It has the wish and the power to subdue the rebellion. But it must have
the conviction that its efforts will be made to tell; that the power it has, and
is willing to use, shall be used to the utmost. The Government which has
hitherto so adequately responded to the average public sentiment, seems not to
move quite in harmony with the increased rapidity of that sentiment. At this
moment the truly loyal part of the nation—and that is the only portion to which
the Government is to look for guidance—unquestionably demands the severest and
most comprehensive measures. And it is just the doubt whether they are to come
which keeps it in suspense.
It is a condition which requires
some radical shock to disturb it and to rouse the national heart. Of course no
one believes that the present is a victorious state of the public mind. It is
not the spirit which assures success, but sullenly forecasts defeat. It is an
infinite pity, let it not become a disgraceful shame, that we are in this mood.
But what can give us the shock? What can rouse us?
There are but two ways in which
it can come. It must be from the enemy or from ourselves.
It may come from the enemy by
some desperate movement against the army of the Peninsula or upon Washington. If
the rebels should advance with a heavy body of seventy or eighty thousand men
through Eastern Virginia, and the nation
should see its capital actually
threatened by them, if it did not spring to arms a million strong it would be
because we have all been mistaken in supposing that we were a brave and
patriotic people. The Government would fall, and utter anarchy succeed it.
On the other hand, the shock may
come from our own Government by its frank declaration of the actual peril of the
country, and by the summons to arms of every loyal and capable man in the land.
The immediate consequence at the
North would be the conviction that the hour had come for the death-grapple with
rebellion; every man would know that while he struck at the disease he slew also
the root of the disease, and every one would be compelled to throw himself
either entirely with or entirely against the Government. At the South society
would be disintegrated. The leaders among the soldiers must inevitably scatter
to their various homes. They know better than we how mysteriously and instantly
such news circulates among the slaves. In 1812 they pleaded fear of insurrection
as a reason for not contributing men to the war: the white population was too
It is better that this should be
done than that the nation should be destroyed. Then if done, the general levy
would be regulated by the national power. All loyal persons would be invited
within our lines and enabled to fight for the Government. If there were a
million more than are absolutely necessary for the work who came, so much the
better. The suppression of the rebellion would then be so absolute that its
revival under any circumstances would be utterly hopeless; and the insurrection
once put down, the disposition of the freedmen would be a question for
PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE SEAT OF WAR.
MR. BRADY'S series of card
photographs of characteristic and famous scenes and spots at the seat of
war in Virginia is profoundly interesting. With
these in hand, or in box, the strategist who conducts the campaign at home may
actually see the places of which he is talking; may look far over the bare, sad
plain from the heights of
Centreville, or stand among the ruins of
Mrs. Henry's house at
Bull Run where the battle was fiercest; or muse
over the soldiers' graves; or lean upon the pier of the shattered stone bridge
where the flight of our army was choked and terrible slaughter followed; or sit
upon the low, awkward piazza of the old Virginia house in which Johnson had his
head-quarters just before the evacuation of Manassas; or gaze from Cub Run to
the brow of the hill where the brave Haggerty was buried. Then descending to the
Peninsula, the strategist at home may see the interior of battery No. 1, at York
River, with its huge guns, or Fairhold's house close by; or he may step closer
to the works and almost lay his hand upon the one and two hundred pound rifled
guns; or move on to the mortar batteries beyond with groups of officers at their
posts; or look out upon the broad, calm York River from the earthworks through
the orchards; or chat with the contrabands in front of the old cabin which was
Lafayette's head-quarters; or pass with amazement through the gateway at
Yorktown; or count each pane of glass in the
windows of the White House. Returning, you may pause before the slave-pen of
Price, Birch, & Co., in Alexandria, and cross the
Long Bridge to Washington.
The collection has an almost
painful interest. The vivid reality of the pictures recalls a thousand
melancholy memories, and the interest is one which will only increase with time.
For long after the fortifications and earth-works have become grass-grown mounds
upon which cattle graze, and long after the brave men whose valor made them
famous are gone, their children will stand pensively among them, and in these
magic cards see them exactly as they were when the cannon were just planted, the
timber just felled and placed, the earth just heaped up; and the bravest heart
grew sober and the most buoyant mind grave as they contemplated the magnitude
and character of the work to be done.
A LITTLE COMMON SENSE.
"BUT why," asks an honest man,
"why do you people, who insist upon saving the Government at any cost, always
lurch into the slavery question? Why not let slavery take care of itself? It is
doubtless scotched and killed by the war. But while honest Union people differ
about it, why thrust it forward every time the war is mentioned? Do you think
that slavery is such a splendid military school that the blacks would be
Here is a volley of questions,
but the answers are not very difficult.
We say the Government must be
saved even at the cost of slavery, because there are a great many who call
themselves and think themselves faithful Union men, who say that there is one
price that we have no right to pay, and that is liberating
We, too, insist upon letting
slavery take care of itself when the Government shall invite every loyal man to
its assistance. But those who complain of us are the very ones who insist that
slavery shall not take its chances, but shall be especially protected.
We speak of it constantly because
every sane man in the land knows that the war comes from slavery. If there had
been no slavery there would have been no war. To say that the Abolitionists
caused it does not help the matter. For what made the Abolitionists? And so long
as men are men, just so long, wherever there is a Pro-slavery, there will be an
Anti-slavery party. The same sane man knows not only that the war began in
slavery but that its present strength is there. Sting that, and the whole
rebellion writhes. That fact indicates a policy: and for that reason we hold it
before the public mind.
We do not think that slavery is
such a wonderful military school, but we do think that if you (Next