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Page) be inconsistent with their welfare and intolerable to a proud
"To save ourselves from a
revolution which, in its silent but rapid progress was about to place us under
the despotism of numbers, and to preserve in spirit, as well as in form, a
system of government we believed to be peculiarly fitted to our condition, and
full of promise for mankind, we determined to make a new association, composed
of States homogeneous in interest, in policy, and in feeling."
Now what tyro in knowledge of
human nature and of history does not see that, as a mere matter of self-defense,
such an "association" could never be allowed by a neighboring nation separated
by no natural boundaries? If the old Monroe doctrine is true, that the peace and
security of this nation were threatened by the presence of any European power
upon our borders, what is to be said of a huge slave-breeding and slave-working
empire divided from us by invisible lines? The constant tendency of that empire
would be to a gradual occupation by the servile race, and consequent barbarism.
Common sense and the instinct of
self-preservation settle the question of "a new association of States" for the
increase of the
IT is a curious inquiry whether
Mrs. Greenhow, and the other utterly treacherous women who have done all they
can to bring blood and ruin upon their countrymen—who have been the most
faithful and zealous spies, working to betray the lives of loyal citizens and
the liberties of all of us to the bald and remorseless tyranny of the
rebellion—are "the gentle women incarcerated for opinion's sake," of which Davis
speaks in his melancholy inaugural.
WHO IS WHO?
IN reading the dreary debates of
the spectral Congress at Richmond the eye occasionally falls upon a familiar
name, which suggests instructive reflections.
During the Presidential campaign
there was a gentleman from Tennessee who, not to speak it irreverently, was
"hawked" about the Northern States as an orator, upon no other ground than that
he was grandson, or grand-nephew, to the great Virginia orator of the
revolution—or that at any rate his name was Henry. This gentleman was taken to
public meetings to tell the people of the Northern States two things: one was,
that his great ancestor talked nonsense when he spoke against the patriarchial
system of living by the labor of other people whom you did not pay; and second,
that we must all cling to the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of
Now, as our minds were and had
been for some years quite made up on the business of making people work without
wages, and selling their children to pay our debts, it seemed unnecessary to
enlarge upon that point. But he had his say, and departed when he was ready by
rail indeed, but not exactly in the way that Northern orators, had they made
corresponding speeches in his part of the country, would have left by rail.
Then, in the second place, as no serious talk was heard and no threat uttered
against the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws above the
line of Mason and Dixon, it was impossible not to feel that the gentleman had
brought his coals to Newcastle.
Of course the orator is now a
secessionist, as John Bell is; and in the proceedings of the Richmond Congress
you shall read the name of Mr. Henry, of Tennessee, as a Senator—the same
gentleman, as we are informed, who came to harangue us upon our duty to the
Union and the enforcement of the laws.
The moral is plain. "Not every
one that saith unto me, Lord! Lord!" It is not enough to cry aloud your own
virtue. It is not enough to use the words that express devotion. There is many a
man now who bawls, suspiciously loud, "Union, Union, and the enforcement of the
laws!" Study him attentively when you hear him. You see what Henry meant. Wait
and see what he means.
AN ENGLISH CRITIC.
THE paper in Fraser upon the
American question, by John Stuart Mill, is one of the ablest statements which
our troubles have occasioned. Mr. Mill is well known to every scholar and
reading man as one of the chief English thinkers of the time; and his clear
perception of the causes and consequences of the struggle, with his
curiously-accurate appreciation of all the delicate distinctions of our system,
and the essential differences of our parties, show his peculiar fitness as a
teacher of the English nation at this moment.
A cardinal value of his paper is
the clearness with which he shows that the existence of this Government is the
security of all the reforms for which patient and humane men wait. He says that
while it is not a war for
emancipation, its end is, inevitably, the end of
slavery. But whether that end will be suddenly effected by the military hand, or
left to the development of peaceful debate, he thinks, and thinks justly, is a
question to be determined by the rapidity with which our arms advance. Should
the war last a year longer, he sees that in the sheerest self-defense the nation
will strike frankly at its cause. But so long as the army is constantly
successful, public opinion will not justify the "extreme measure."
The wisdom of the paper is the
more remarkable from its exact agreement with the views of the wisest men among
ourselves. That a fatal blow at the root of the rebellion is the true method of
peace—that the right way is the best and the shortest way, no man who is free
from party rancor doubts for a moment. But such men are few; and such men are
also wise enough to see that great measures in this country must be the result
of popular conviction. To be permanent and peaceful, all great changes must be
justified by public sentiment, The ferocious party-spirit that seven years
ago repealed the
Compromise was too blind to see this. That was a trick sprung upon the nation,
and the unanimous vote of the Free States for
Mr. Lincoln was the logical and inevitable
Party leaders in this country are
not despots. They lead only so long as they understand the general tendency of
the party to which they belong. The force of drill and organization will of
course carry any party beyond its convictions. But the change will have already
commenced. Thus the old Democratic Party was really smitten with death in 1848;
but it wore the semblance of a crown for twelve years afterward. And all the
young men in the country who, led by the desire of political success rather than
by true patriotism, have within that period allied themselves to that party, can
now see plainly enough that it was not the vigor of life but the spasm of death
that gave it an air of energy.
For if the democratic principle
be indeed trustworthy, the constant tendency of an educated people like ours
must be toward greater Justice and surer Liberty, and not toward Despotism and
Slavery. Consequently, if democracy were true, the Democratic Party was doomed.
Every faithful follower of the party cry must have constantly and wonderingly
asked himself, "How is it that I am a Democrat, or friend of human rights, and
yet am constantly and by party command voting for and with men who openly scorn
those rights?" Such a man would very soon ask himself whether vinegar is sweet
because it happens to be labeled molasses.
The lessons of many years and of
human nature will not be lost upon us at a time when we are at once peculiarly
honest and sagacious. Mr. Mill sees it clearly. All loyal Americans feel it. The
statesman is the man who sees in what way, and how far, that which is desirable
may be made practicable. The article will appear in Harper's Magazine for April.
THE new novel of WILKIE COLLINS
begins in this day's paper, illustrated by John M'Lenan, whose characteristic
and admirable illustrations of "The Woman in White," especially that of Count
Fosco, were themselves creations. Mr. M'Lenan has a peculiar appreciation of the
genius of Mr. Collins, who has taken his place among the most popular and
powerful of living English novelists. None of them has written a tale of more
singular, absorbing, and powerful interest than his "Woman in White," and the
opening of the present story has the same clear, calm, startling detail of
narration. It has a Tenier's fidelity and healthy color. The picture of the
country home and the quiet family circle is curiously distinct. Nor does the
opening number end without plunging the reader full into the necessary mystery.
Thus the beginning is like the commencement of a trial, in which we know that
the developments will be both strange and fascinating. The power of the author
has been proved by "The Woman in White," and all the readers of that story will
want no exhortation to begin with the beginning of "No NAME."
It is one of the remarkable
illustrations of the opportunity of influence offered to a popular author at
this day that if we allow seven readers to each copy of the issue of the present
number of the Weekly, the opening chapters of Mr. Collins's story will be read
by more than nine hundred thousand readers.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
IF a disagreeable fellow insists
on sharing your house with you, take the inside for your share, and give him the
The geological character of the
rock on which drunkards split is said to be quartz.
A doctor's wife attempted to move
him by her tears. "Ah!" said he, "tears are useless. I have analyzed them. They
contain a little phosphate of lime, some chlorate of sodium, and water."
When a pickpocket pulls at your
watch, tell him plainly that you have no time to spare.
A hint to ladies with gray hair.
Never say "dye."
The least objectionable soup for
cannibal a broth of a boy.
"Is Mr. Brown a man of means?"
inquired a lady visitor of Aunt Betsy. "Yes, I should think he was," replied
Aunt Betsy, "as every body says he's the meanest man in town."
Why do our soldiers need no
barbers? Because they are regularly shaved by the Government contractors.
We are never satisfied that a
lady understands a kiss unless we have it from her own lips.
Man's happiness is said to hang
upon a thread. This must be the thread that is never at hand to sew on the
shirt-button that is always off.
Mrs. Chibbles has great ideas of
her husband's military powers. "For two years," says she, "he was a lieutenant
in the horse-marines, after which he was promoted to the captaincy of a regular
squad of sapheads and minors."
A wit once asked a peasant what
part he performed in the great drama of life. "I mind my own business," was the
"Pa," said a lad to his father,
"I often read of people poor but honest; why don't they sometimes say rich but
honest?" "Tut, my son," said his father, " nobody would believe them."
ON Tuesday, February 25, in the
Senate, the bill providing for the occupation and cultivation of cotton lands in
possession of the United States was reported back by the Committee on
Territories, and an amendment limiting the appropriation to twenty thousand
dollars adopted. The bill providing for the confiscation of the property of
rebels was then taken up, discussed, and finally postponed. The bill authorizing
the Secretary of the Treasury to issue certificates of acknowledgment of debt to
public creditors was passed.—In the House, the Senate bill authorizing the
Secretary of the Treasury to issue certificates of indebtedness to public
creditors was passed. A bill amendatory of the Articles of War, so as to provide
that all officers in the
military service are prohibited
from employing any of the forces under their respective
commands for the purpose of restoring fugitives from service or labor, escaping
from those who claim such service or labor to be due to them; and any officer
found guilty, by court-martial, of violating this article shall be dismissed
from service, was reported from the Military Committee, and passed by a vote of
83 to 42. 'The Senate bill reorganizing the cavalry service was amended by
reducing the number of regiments to fifty instead of forty, as provided by the
Senate, and then passed. The bill authorizing the Postmaster-General to
establish a postal money order system was also passed, and likewise a bill
designed to allow the transportation of light articles through the mails, for
the accommodation of soldiers, at the rates of book postage—one cent per ounce.
A bill to tax the salaries of public officers was referred to the Ways and Means
Committee. A resolution was adopted instructing the Committee of Ways and Means
to inquire into the expediency of levying a tax of three per cent. per pound on
cotton, and making such a lien thereon; persons and corporations to be
prohibited from carrying or transporting the same until the tax is paid.
On Wednesday, February 26, in the
Senate, petitions in favor of a general bankrupt law, and for the emancipation
of slaves, were presented and referred. A bill establishing a railroad and
telegraph line from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean was reported from
the Special Committee on that subject. The bill providing for the occupation and
cultivation of certain cotton lands in the possession of the United States was
taken up and discussed. The consideration of the question of admitting the new
Senator from Oregon, Mr. Starke, whose loyalty is questioned, to a seat in the
Senate, was then resumed, and Senators Sumner, Cowan, Davis, Wilmot, Carlile,
and Sherman participated in the debate, but no definite action was taken on the
subject. The bill fixing the number of members of the House of Representatives
under the new apportionment was amended so as to make the number 249, and then
passed.—In the House, Mr. Voorhies, of Indiana, asked leave to offer a
resolution commending the sentiments and policy of General Halleck, as announced
in his General Order of the 23d instant, already published, as eminently wise
and patriotic, and in strict conformity with the Constitution, and that the war
should be conducted in accordance with the same, and that the thanks of Congress
are tendered to General Halleck for said order, and for his military achievement
as commander of the Department of Missouri. Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, objected,
and the resolution was consequently ruled out. Mr. Van Wyck announced his
retirement from the chairmanship of the Government Contract and Revolutionary
Pension Committees. The case of Mr. Upton, who claims a seat as representative
from the Fairfax district of Virginia, was taken up, and discussed till the
adjournment. The House concurred in the Senate bill fixing the number of
Representatives, under the new apportionment, at 249.
On Thursday, February 27, in the
Senate, Senator Davis introduced a substitute for the Confiscation bill, which
was ordered to be printed. The bill to increase the efficiency of the medical
department of the army was taken up and passed with amendments. The case of
Senator Starke was resumed, and the resolution of the committee on the subject,
declaring Senator Starke entitled to a seat, was adopted by a vote of 26 to 19.
He thereupon was qualified and took his seat. The Confiscation bill was taken
up, and the Senate adjourned.—In the House, the case of Mr. Upton, who claims to
represent the Fairfax district of Virginia, was again discussed, and the
claimant declared not entitled to a seat by a vote of seventy-three to fifty.
On Friday, February 28, in the
Senate, a bill was reported to carry into effect the treaty with Hanover for the
abolition of the Stadt dues. Senator Starke, the new member from Oregon, offered
a resolution instructing the Judiciary Committee to investigate the charges of
disloyalty that have been alleged against him. A debate ensued, which was
continued till the expiration of the morning hour. The Legislative, Executive,
and Judicial Appropriation bill was taken up, and passed with amendments. A bill
to encourage enlistments in the regular army was introduced.—In the House, the
special committee on the establishment of a national armory reported a
resolution, which was referred to the Committee of the Whole, providing for the
appointment of a commission by the President to locate a national foundry east
of the Alleghanies, and a foundry, armory, and manufacturing arsenal west of the
Alleghanies, said commission to report within sixty days from their appointment
to the Secretary of War, and the Secretary to report to Congress, with the
necessary estimates of expense. The bill granting homesteads to actual settlers,
and providing bounty for soldiers in lieu of lands, was amended so as to take
effect on the 1st of January, 1863, and then passed—105 against 16. Both Houses
adjourned till Monday.
On Monday, March 3, in the
Senate, Senator Wright, the successor of Mr. Bright, of Indiana, was sworn, and
entered upon his duties. The House bill requiring shipmasters trading to foreign
ports to take an oath of allegiance was passed. A joint resolution authorizing
the President to appoint as many staff officers as the service requires was
adopted. The Confiscation bill was taken up, and Senator McDougall, of
California, spoke in opposition to it. Before he had concluded the Senate went
into executive session.—In the House the tax bill was ordered to be printed, and
made the special order for the 11th instant. The Senate joint resolution,
declaratory of the intention of the act of July, indemnifying the loyal States
for expenses incurred in raising troops, so as not only to apply to debts
contracted before, but since the passage of the act, was adopted; also the
Senate joint resolution providing for the payment of the awards of the
commission for claims growing out of military movements in the Department of the
West. Mr. Holman offered a resolution declaring that the war should not be
prosecuted for any other purpose than the restoration of the authority of the
Constitution and the welfare of the whole people of the United States, who are
permanently involved in the preservation of our present form of government,
without modification or change. Mr. Lovejoy moved to lay it on the table, and
the motion was adopted—60 to 58. A resolution, calling on the President for
information relative to the present condition of Mexico, and the design of the
European Powers to establish a monarchy there, was adopted. The Committee on
Foreign Affairs presented an important joint resolution on the subject of
maritime rights, thanking the Emperor of the French for his kindly offices
touching the Trent affair, and declaring the present a favorable time for
adjusting the question of maritime rights on the basis proposed by Mr. Marcy in
1856. The resolutions were recommitted and ordered to be printed. A resolution
was adopted directing the Secretary of the Treasury to communicate to the House
the amount of the subscriptions to the National Loan, authorized by the act of
the 17th of July, 1861, the amounts of money paid on such subscriptions, and the
purposes to which they have been appropriated.
THE "NASHVILLE" AT HOME AGAIN.
The rebel steamer Nashville,
which has been lying up so long in English ports, and was so keenly watched by
the United States steamer Tuscarora, has succeeded in getting safe across the
Atlantic, and, as we learn from
Norfolk, arrived at Wilmington, North Carolina,
on Saturday, having run the blockade at that place.
Columbus is evacuated. An
official dispatch from
Commodore Foote, dated Cairo, March 1, leaves no doubt
that the rebels are flying from their Western Sebastopol. Lieutenant-Commanding
Phelps, who was sent on Saturday with a flag of truce to Columbus, returned
reporting that he saw the rebels burning their winter-quarters, and removing
their heavy guns on the bluffs. But the guns in the water batteries remained
intact. He also saw, a large force of cavalry drawn up ostentatiously on the
bluffs, but no infantry was to be seen, as heretofore. The encampment seen in
the armed reconnoissance a few days since had been removed. Large fires were
visible in the town of Columbus and upon the river banks below, indicating the
destruction of the town, military stores, and equipments.
GENERAL BANKS ACROSS THE POTOMAC.
The right wing of the grand army,
General Banks's division, on the Upper Potomac, has made an advance. Crossing
the river from Sandy Hook on Monday night to
Harper's Ferry, the advance-guard,
consisting of the
regiment, took possession of the town. Strong reinforcements went over on
Tuesday and occupied the towns of Bolivar and Charlestown, and a considerable
portion of the country on both banks of the Shenandoah. The rebels, with the
exception of a few who were captured, retired on the approach of our army. The
sentiment among the people is strongly in favor of the Union. General Banks has
established his head-quarters on the road from Harper's Ferry to Bolivar. The
rebels shelled the trains near Berlin, on their way to Baltimore, but the firing
was so bad that they did no damage.
GENERAL CURTIS IN ARKANSAS.
General Halleck telegraphs to
General Curtis has taken Fayetteville, Arkansas, with numerous
prisoners and great quantities of stores, ammunition, baggage, and the like. The
enemy retreated in disorderly haste over the Boston Mountains. The Union troops
in that section are perfectly enraged at a dastardly, savage trick of the
rebels: forty-two officers and men of the 5th Missouri Regiment were poisoned at Mudtown by eating of provisions left behind by the enemy, who had prepared the
food for the purpose of causing a general murder.
TENNESSEE RETURNING TO THE UNION.
The War Department has received
such encouraging intelligence of the restoration of Tennessee to the Union that
it is contemplated to appoint Senator Andrew Johnson Military Governor of the
State until the civil government can be reorganized. With this view the
President has nominated him as Brigadier-General, and placed in his hands the
pleasant duty of restoring his old State to its original position.
The rebels have retreated from
Murfreesboro, and are falling back on the Tennessee River and Chattanooga.
TROOPS TO BE RAISED FOR THE UNION
The War Department has authorized
the raising of volunteer troops in Tennessee, and it is decided to put the loyal
citizens of the Southwest generally in a position to resist the rebels whenever
any attempt is made to coerce the Union people back again into the thralls of
ANOTHER VOYAGE UP THE TENNESSEE.
Official dispatches from Commodore Foote, relative to affairs on the Tennessee
River, which were received at the Navy Department on 1st, give most satisfactory
accounts of the Union feeling in Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, in which
latter State Lieutenant Gwin had penetrated in the gun-boat Taylor as far as
Eastport. The victories at Forts Henry and
Donelson have impressed the Unionists
with great faith in our army, and have given them courage to avow their
sentiments more freely. Lieutenant Gwin says that upon learning that a large
quantity of wheat and flour, intended for shipment to the South, was stored at
Clifton, Tennessee, he landed there and took on board about one thousand sacks
and one hundred barrels of flour, and some six thousand bushels of wheat, to
prevent its being seized by the rebels or disposed of in the rebel country.
ANOTHER MESSAGE FROM JEFF DAVIS.
The Message of
Jeff Davis to the
new rebel Congress, like his recent inaugural, betrays great distress of mind as
to the future fortunes of the Confederacy, and displays, at the same time, no
little deviation from the strict line of truth in reference to the resources of
the South and the conduct of our Government and our army. He admits that events
have proved that the rebel Government attempted more than it could achieve; that
the Southern people had no idea of the continuance of the war beyond a brief
period, nor of the overwhelming force which has been brought against them. To
this fact he attributes the unwillingness of the people to enlist for a long
term; but he hopes that this "fruitful cause of disaster," short enlistments,
will not again occur. In referring to the defeats at
Roanoke Island and Fort Donelson, he speaks of the former as humiliating; and of the fall of Donelson he
says that, in the absence of official information, he can form no judgment, but
can not believe that an army of "our people" could have surrendered without an
effort to cut their way through the enemy. The strength of the rebel army he
puts down, somewhat indefinitely, at four hundred regiments of infantry, with
proportionate cavalry and artillery. He relies greatly upon the new enlistments
to make up the force of the army, and expresses a confident opinion that the war
is going to last for several years to come.
DESPAIR OF THE REBELS.
A meeting of cotton and tobacco
planters was held on Wednesday evening, at the City Hall, Richmond, to discuss
the question of destroying the cotton and tobacco crops in the State; but the
discussion, after a variety of speeches were delivered pro and con, resulted in
transferring the matter to a committee for report at an adjourned meeting the
next night, the business of which has not yet reached us. A resolution was
offered in the rebel Congress on the same day providing for compensation by the
government for all tobacco and cotton so burned to avoid its falling into the
hands of the United States Government. The tone of the Southern press continues
to be most doleful and despairing.
THEY ARE AT LOGGERHEADS.
The discussions in the rebel
Congress at Richmond show a growing discontent with the
Cabinet of Mr. Davis.
Upon the proposal to admit the members of the Cabinet to defend their course on
the floor of the House, Mr. Foote, of Tennessee, said that if the Cabinet, after
a fair discussion upon a vital question, should be voted down, they should
resign, after the manner of the British Ministry, and give place to others. A
refusal so to do, he declared, would justify a civil revolution—a rebellion
within a rebellion—and if Mr. Davis persisted in retaining the Cabinet after
such an expression of popular sentiment, he would deserve to be brought to
impeachment, and, if needs be, "to the block."
The rebel General Simon Bolivar
Buckner, captured at Fort Donelson, is now on his way to Fort Warren, or is
probably by this time safely ensconced within its walls.
The Independence Belge asserts
positively that the Archduke Maximilian of Austria has accepted a throne in the
By an order from the War
Department, we learn that Major-General Dix and the Hon. Edwards Pierrepont,
have been appointed Commissioners to examine the cases of the men still
remaining in confinement in the custody of the United States, and to decide
whether they should be released, retained, or turned over to the civil
AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN PARLIAMENT.
THE American question is being
debated in the English Parliament.
Earl Russell made an important declaration in
the House of Lords, on the 10th instant, when he admitted that the peculiar
circumstances of the United States justified "urgent measures"—such as arbitrary
arrests—by the Government, and that even British subjects may be seized by order
of the President, if "he believed that the parties were engaged in treasonable
conspiracies." Parliament had given the same power to the British executive in
times of difficulty, and it had been frequently exercised without the persons
being brought to trial. The cases of the English subjects lately arrested in the
United States would, however, be "earnestly watched" by the Cabinet.
On a subsequent day, Earl
Russell, in reply to Lord Stanhope, stated that Government had protested against
the permanent destruction of any harbors by the stone blockade, and the American
Government had denied any such intention.
THE VALUE OF THE ELEPHANT.
The expense to England of the
Mason and Slidell affair is understood to be 364,000 ($1,820,000).
The United States gun-boat
Tuscarora is reported to be at Gibraltar watching the privateer Sumter, which
still remains there without coal.