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Robert E. Lee Portrait
MEN, the time draws on to action—
Draws, with sternest-voiced
Who would bear its strain and
Must be strong in heart and hand:
Who shall grapple double-handed
With it shall have manhood's
Who shall falter shall be branded
With unchanging mark of shame.
Toil, oh! Forgeman, damp and
At the shapes that, one by one,
Grow, wherewith the iron duty
Of the season shall be done:
Toil; the time is loud with
And it striketh palm with thee,
In the ringing of thy hammer,
For the good that is to be.
Speed, oh! Plowman; let not
Prick out from the loaded wain:
On full many a field there
Crop of steel instead of grain:
Speed; the soldier's orphan
Who in mercy shall not see
Where their father's grave is
Turn their hungry eyes to thee.
Strike, oh! Soldier, once and
For the right that grows apace;
Every blow of thine endeavor
Brings a glory to thy face:
It shall be a newer birth-right
If the death-bolts hurtle by;
It shall brighten though the
Fade before it from thine eye.
Sing, oh! Poet: be thy minor
Holy-sweet to match the wreath
Of the cypress, grown diviner
Now upon the brow of death:
And thy major's revelation—
Let it upward rise and roll
To the heights of aspiration
Of a nation's lifted soul.
Pray, oh! Christian: God is
In the storm than in the sun;
And His will is growing clearer:
Pray His waiting will be done—
Done triumphant, as when Moses
Walked through night and death to
Far in Sharon's vale the roses
Waiting ages for the free.
Toil, fight, sing, pray, men
With a high, heroic will;
And the good the time is thinking
To the perfect orb shall fill—
Orb of life for feet uplifted,
While calm brows are yet above
In new sunlight round them
By the winds of broader love.
WE publish on page 753 an
illustration of the
LANDING OF GENERAL BANKS'S EXPEDITION ON BRAZOS SANTIAGO,
TEXAS, on 2d November, from a sketch by a staff officer. The
expedition is destined to restore Texas to the Union, and put an end to the
contraband trade which has been carried on at
Matamoras. The Herald correspondent, writing on 2d November, says:
At an early hour this morning the
bar was examined, and casks laid down as buoys. Nine feet of water was found
upon the bar, and once over, navigation was easy.
We accordingly commenced
preparing to enter the harbor, and the light-draught steamer General Banks, with
the Nineteenth Iowa on board, got under way, and was soon rising and falling
amidst the foam of the huge breakers; but as she steamed gallantly on and
crossed the bar an safety, the soldiers on board gave three hearty cheers, which
were heard on the flag-ship and answered by the waving of hats and
She crossed the bar at precisely
twelve o'clock noon, and from that moment Texas was ours. The General's
dispatch-boat—the little steamer Drew—followed, and she went capering along like
a frisky young coquette of sixteen, bounding over the bar like a cork.
The Clinton, with the Thirteenth
and Fifteenth Maine regiments on board, was the third to cross, and it was her
good fortune to be the first to disembark her troops, the soldiers of the
Fifteenth Maine first touching Texan soil. The next moment, the flag of this
regiment, followed by that of the Nineteenth Iowa, was raised.
Thus the men from the extreme
northern point of the Union were the first to raise the
flag of America over the
soil of the extreme southern point, and finish the work so gloriously begun, of
planting the banner of freedom in the last State in rebellion, over which the
Stars and Stripes have not waved for some time.
On landing on Brazos Island, the
Fifteenth Maine, Colonel Dwyer, accompanied by Major Von Hermann, of
Banks's staff, started for Boca Chica, took possession of the Pass, and encamped
there, throwing out pickets.
No resistance whatever was
offered, and no human beings have yet been seen on the island or elsewhere, if I
except the repulse of two companies of cavalry by the guns of the T. A. Scott,
Captain O'Brien, which anchored off the mouth of Boca Chica this morning, and
opened upon the rebels who hard attempted to cross.
The same transport the night
previous anchored off the mouth of the Rio Grande, and amused herself by keeping
up an almost constant fire upon the Mexican vessels crossing and recrossing the
The old salt was a few miles
wrong in his reckoning; for he afterward stated that he "thought he was
peppering away at the damned rebels in Boca Chico instead of the harmless
Mexicans on the Rio Grande;" so that we shall probably have to make an apology
for the slight mistake of firing upon their vessels while engaged in a
contraband trade with the rebels on the Texan shore.
Those of your readers who have
Ship Island can have a good idea of this barren, inhospitable
Brazos, as well as all the
islands along the Texan coast, is a sandy desert. One house (deserted) stands to
our right, and a mile or so farther toward the interior are two light-houses,
one on each side.
Charred ruins show that three
dwellings were destroyed by fire some time ago. Nothing but the chimneys remain
The foundations of the buildings
General Taylor for stores can yet be seen; but no other vestige remains.
Sand and sand-hills meet the eye in every direction; and for miles there is no
covering from the rays of
the burning sun by day, nor the
heavy chilly dews by night.
Four wells were discovered by our
soldiers; but the water is brackish and unpalatable. Around these were collected
from thirty to forty head of poor cattle. They were suffering terribly from
thirst, and drank with avidity the miserable water that our men gave out to them
from the wells.
The few inhabitants who lived on
this desert probably fled as soon as our fleet anchored off the shore; for, as I
have before stated, not a human being was to be seen.
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1863.
GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OF NEW
IN accordance with the Customs
and Laws of this State, I,
HORATIO SEYMOUR, Governor of the State of New York,
do hereby designate Thursday, the 26th instant, to be a day of
Prayer, and I hereby declare the same to be a Legal Holiday.
In the midst of calamities,
brought upon our country by the wickedness, folly, and crimes of men, we have
reason to be thankful to Almighty God for abundant Harvests, for exemption from
Pestilence, and for the preservation of our State from the devastations of War
which afflict other sections of our land. Let us offer fervent prayers that
Rebellion may be put down, our Union saved, our Liberties preserved, and our
Constitution and Government upheld. As a becoming proof of thankfulness to God,
and as a proper evidence of our gratitude to the Armies and Navy, I urge our
citizens to make contributions, on that day, for the comfort and support of the
destitute families of those who have lost their lives or have become disabled in
the service of their country. In the midst of our abundance, let us remember
charity to those who are in want, and in the hour set apart for social and
religious thanksgiving and praise within the limits of our State, let us
encourage those who are engaged on distant and dangerous fields of duty, by
showing sympathy and kindness toward their families who need our aid and
In Witness Whereof, I have
hereunto set my hand and affixed the Privy Seal of the State, at the City of
Albany, this tenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-three. HORATIO SEYMOUR.
By the Governor.
DANIEL F. TYLER, Private
OUR armies seem once more at a
stand-still. The November mud appears to have driven both
winter-quarters; and cavalry raids and guerrilla and outpost skirmishes are
likely to be the only movements of consequence on the Potomac for some weeks to
Chattanooga all is quiet, and our correspondents write that no active
operations are expected in that army for some time.
Grant will have enough to do
to hold and secure his communications, and feed his army at Chattanooga; while,
on the other hand, Bragg will have his hands full in preparing for the
inevitable movement on Atlanta and Rome.
Gilmore continues to thunder away at
Fort Sumter and the other outer defenses of
Charleston. But thus far he seems to
be making but little impression, and the belief gains ground that Charleston can
only be reduced by a land attack, and regular approaches against Moultrie. In
Foster, who succeeds
Burnside, will probably be able to hold
Knoxville, but can not do much more, except in the way of
cavalry raids. In the
Southwest all is comparatively quiet. Away down South, on the Mexican frontier,
General Banks has landed an army, with designs which can only be conjectured. So
enterprising and sagacious a man, however, would not, we may be certain, have
embarked in a fruitless enterprise; and there may be more promise in an invasion
of Texas than can now and here be discerned.
But altogether the prospect is
that our armies will not see much fighting, at all events, on this side of
Christmas. With the early spring Meade may move, Grant is sure to move, and
Gilmore may pursue his victorious career; but till then we may not have much
exciting news to chronicle.
Meanwhile it devolves upon the
country to devote its whole energies to the work of recruiting the army. Three
hundred thousand more men are wanted by New-year: if they are not obtained by
volunteering, they will be procured by the draft. Congress, when it reassembles
next month, will probably amend the Conscription Act by striking out the $300
clause, so as to leave substitutes free to command their own price. Under these
circumstances, and especially in view of the active demand for labor which
exists every where, it is quite probable that the price may advance to a figure
which may render it impossible for the great mass of the individuals drafted to
escape service. People who do not want to run the risk of the
draft had better,
therefore, lose no time in stimulating a volunteer movement. In this, and one or
two other localities, the injudicious haste with which cities stepped forward to
relieve every one from the draft, last summer, has naturally chilled patriotic
ardor, and lulled cowards into a false security. Hence, here, a new
draft—peremptory and without escape—is seemingly inevitable. But there are many
parts of the country where, with proper energy on the part of influential men,
and suitable provisions for the families of volunteers, the quota may be filled
without a draft.
There are two other important
movements which are going on day by day. One is the recruiting of
the other, the colonization
and culture by free labor of
abandoned plantations. Both are essential to the final completion of the work we
have in hand. The promise we have made to the negroes, which, in the President's
words, "must be kept," can only be secured by giving men of color the power to
protect themselves. They must be made the armed guardians both of their own
liberty and of the dominion of the United States, All the Southern forts and
military lines which, throughout the lifetime of the present generation, it will
be necessary to garrison must be garrisoned by negro troops. And all the
plantations which the Southern
chivalry have abandoned or forfeited must be
worked by free labor. It devolves upon us to show to the world that the negro
will work as well for the hope of reward as from the dread of punishment, and
that sugar and cotton can be raised as profitably at the South without
slave-drivers as they ever were with them. The reports of the commission which
has in charge the letting of Government plantations are very encouraging. This
year, the profits realized by parties who hired from Government abandoned
estates, and worked them with free labor, have been in many instances enormous.
We must line the Mississippi Valley with a new race of settlers, nurtured in the
wholesome air of freedom; and then, but not till then, will that glorious
country be firmly secured to the Union, and in a condition to yield the fruits
which it was God's ordinance it should produce.
ONE leading cause of the bitter
feeling against England which has pervaded all classes in this country since the
war broke out has been the ceaseless stream of abuse and misrepresentation which
has been poured upon us and our cause by the British journals. Not only has the
Times steadily traduced us and falsified our aims and prospects, but almost
every minor journal, whether published in London or in the rural districts of
England, has thrown its handful of mud, till it appeared to an American observer
that the British public were almost universally our enemies.
This impression may have been
erroneous. The small papers may have spoken merely for themselves, not for the
public. We remember a letter which was published a year or more since in the
Mobile Register, condemning the Confederate Government for the selection it had
made of subordinate agents in Europe, and stating that it was far simpler and
surer to hire Englishmen to write up the rebels than to employ Southerners to do
the work. This letter tended to create the impression that the articles abusive
of this country with which the minor British press was filled were merely "paid
puffs" of the, rebel cause—reclames, as the French call them, expressing no
man's opinion. This impression is confirmed by the publication of the
intercepted letters of M. de Leon, rebel agent in Paris, to Jeff Davis and his
Secretary Benjamin. He alludes more than once to his successful efforts to
create public opinion in England by the aid of the press. After drawing
attention to Earl Russell's speech at Blairgowrie, he observes, in a letter to
"The sympathy of the British
people for us is growing stronger every day, and in the same ratio as their
antipathy for the Yankees. To foster and increase these favorable dispositions I
have caused various publications to be made in England on the topics of cotton,
slavery, the oath of allegiance, Federal fabrications, and kept up a running
fire through the English press. Some of these publications shall be sent you by
the first opportunity which presents for sending packages."
So it seems it is to Monsieur de
Leon, of South Carolina, and not to any Englishman, that we are indebted for the
vituperation we find in so many British papers. The discovery will not raise the
character of British journalism in American opinion. But it will render us much
less sensitive to what these upright journalists may say of us hereafter.
AMERICA AND ENGLAND.
A LATE London Spectator denounces
the conduct of Mr. Laird in building the rams and refusing to prevent their
departure so that the Government is obliged to station war ships for that
purpose, as a most unprecedented resolution upon the part of a British subject
to plunge his country into war merely to gratify his own cupidity. In the same
vein "Historicus," Mr. Vernon Harcourt, shows in the London Times that the
rebels are trying to make England the base of their hostile operations against a
friendly power, and have therefore rendered themselves responsible to Great
Britain. "Historicus" suggests that Mason left England because he knew, in case
the rams escaped, that he would be in a very doubtful position toward the
Government. Add to this that the Governor-General of Canada and Lord Lyons
hastened to apprise our authorities of the Lake plot, and it is pretty clear
that Great Britain means to avoid all occasion of trouble with this country.
We need not be in haste to
ascribe this conduct to any profounder admiration of our system, nor to suppose
that she has any romantic friendship for us, as we certainly have not for her.
But at least it should modify that indignation which the general tone of the
British press and the sneers of the officers of the Government during the first
years of the war naturally
produced; nor ought any fair Englishman who read the stuff that Mackay wrote
from New York for the Times, and who was familiar with the leaders and speeches
of men and papers in England, to be surprised that we were indignant. We can
each rejoice that the sky is clearer, and each resolve to keep it so.
GOVERNOR GAMBLE, of Missouri, has
lately expelled from the State two officers of the United States army, holding
commissions from Adjutant-General Thomas to recruit colored soldiers. They were
expelled for that reason, and not for misconduct. This may be very conservative,
but it is radically wrong. It is part of that remarkable policy which in
Missouri has withstood the policy of the National Government, and which the
President has not yet rebuked. The difficulty in Missouri is very simple. It is
that the influence of the National Government is thrown upon the side agreeable
to the rebels. Here, in New York, it was reason enough for voting against the
"friends" of Governor Seymour, that the rebels wanted them to be elected. Ought
it not to be enough in Missouri that to favor the Gamble policy is to please the
Certainly many of the loyal
Missourians feel so strongly that they are betrayed into saying what they
certainly do not mean. When the speaker at the Cooper Institute declared that he
would not submit to the constitutional election of Vallandigham, for instance,
as President, there is no doubt that the words did not express his thought. But
there is equally no doubt that such a remark harmed his cause more than he
imagined. So when one of the German "radical" papers calls upon Congress to
protect the Government against the Administration, it repeats the silliest
Copperhead sophism. The true anti-slavery men of Missouri ought to remember that
at a time like this, when we are fighting a bloody rebellion which puts forth
exactly the plea of the orator, and a reaction which takes the ground of the
paper—the cause of the orator and paper, so defended and stated, repels the very
sympathy they invoke.
On the other hand, no sensible
man will forget that the faithful men of Missouri have been tried by fire and
blood. A few expletives and superlatives may be pardoned them. A stern,
implacable determination that slavery, the monster that has spawned civil war,
shall be ended and forever, is only natural to them. They feel its fangs every
moment, and they can not choose fine phrases. And they are not unjust. The
Missouri Democrat, the radical organ, says that President Lincoln has made a
tragical mistake, but it does not accuse him of the least ill intent. That, we
are sure, will presently appear. The President, by his declared policy, belongs
with the radical loyal Missourians. A few months more of war will bring him to
their side. A few months more will show him that Mr. Postmaster-General Blair is
not a wise counselor, and does not represent a Border State policy, which, at
this point of the war, is practicable.
THE dainty "bill of fare" at the
Russian ball, printed in French upon colored satin, contrasts curiously with
another "bill of fare" on as which that heading is boldly printed, and which has
a historic interest. It is a strip of stout paper, about seven inches long and
two or three broad, with the head, "Fort Lafayette." Just below follows:
"Dejeuner, Wednesday, September 8, 1824. Bill of Fare." It was the collation
given to General Lafayette upon his last visit to this country.
It is in the kitchen, according
to some dinner philosophers, that the progress of civilization is most truly
indicated. For all such, who may have preserved the bill of the Russian supper,
this of the French breakfast forty years ago will be a fit companion. The two or
three little errors of spelling are preserved:
"Chickens, Turkeys, Hams,
Tongues, Pigeons, Ducks, Turkey a la Francaise. Snipe, Woodcock, Plover, Wild
Ducks. Alamode veal and beef. Lobsters; and Langues d'Aigneau in Jelly.
Anchovies, Crabs, Lobster, Tartlets, Cheese cakes, Puffs, Jellies, Blancmange,
Oranges, Peaches, Pine Apples, Melons, Grapes, etc. etc. Wines; Claret, White
Hermitage, Madeira, Champagne."
The present bill of fare at Fort
Lafayette is understood to be different from this.
Richmond Enquirer says that
it prefers to have Yankees rather than English as its "next-door neighbors"
beyond the Potomac. There is no reason to doubt that this preference will be
gratified. The reason it alleges is that the Yankees are "ignorant and
semi-barbarous enemies to deal with." Here again it is not remarkable that a
chivalrous people, who build their State upon the inalienable right to whip
women and breed children for sale, should prefer that their "next-door
neighbors" should be ignorant and semi-barbarous. The King of Dahomey would be
the best conceivable neighbor for them.
But as for haying enemies "for
ages" upon the north side of the Potomac—that is borrowing trouble of the future
enormously. We are engaged in a war in which they will conquer us, or we shall
conquer them. They are coming to the Lakes, or we are going to the Gulf. The
victory on one side or the other will be radical and final. It will be a social
as well as a military victory. It will be like that of the Normans in England.
That has not left ages of enmity, nor will ours. The Enquirer may take heart. If
the rebellion succeeds slavery will debauch the North, and retake it more than
semi-barbarous—it will barbarize it as thoroughly as it has the South itself. if
the Government triumphs liberty will radically reform the social system of the
South, and fully civilize it. This result is in the very nature of the contest.
It is shown by the bitterness of the Enquirer, as it is in every expression, and
the whole conduct of the rebellion. Now has barbarism ever obliterated (Next