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SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1864.
THAT the peace section of the
Democratic party, the men whose friends are in arms against the Government,
intend to help their friends with arms, if they can, is a secret to nobody. That
riot, massacre, and war, just as " Conservatism" means anarchy,
the experience of the last year has fully proved. The existence of associations
the purpose of which is to resist the result of the election if opportunity
offers, is beyond question. The Society of
Knights of the Golden Circle, and all
the other forms of conspiracy, are matters. of public knowledge. All these
associations are manned and managed by members of the Chicago party. All the
threats of resisting the election now proceed, as they did four years ago, from
members of the Chicago party. The Convention of that party resolves that " the
direct interference of the military authority of the United States in the
approaching election will be held as revolutionary, and resisted with all the
means and power under our control." All the speakers at the MACPENDLETON
Ratification Meeting in New York repeated this threat ; and the Democratic Union
Association resolved the other evening, " that a Presidential election effected
through Maryland by a suppression of the press, and, by consequence, of the
ballot-box, would be an act of revolutionary violence, not binding upon the
people of the United States, under the Constitution, or in morals, or in
The Chicago party is the one
under whose domination free speech and a free press and ballot have always been
suppressed in half the country, and constantly threatened in the other. Its
whole policy has been the maintenance of slavery, with which free speech and all
other Republican and Democratic institutions are incompatible. Therefore nobody
imagines that the Chicago party, as such, is any more solicitous for free speech
now than ever before. But it is desperate. The best men of the late Democratic
party have left it just in the degree that it deserted its own principles. Its
remainder is without a solitary leader of real power. It is in the hands of
desperate demagogues or cal-low neophytes. It is reduced to a minority, who
still clutch the organization and call themselves by the old name. But the
HORATIO SEYMOUR, AUGUST BELMONT, CLEMENT L. VALLANDIGHAM, ROBERT C.
WINTHROP, and FERNANDO WOOD, are not the great triumphant Democratic party of
JEFFERSON, MADISON, and JACKSON.
The resolutions of which we are
speaking are the formal announcement that, if the present managers of the party
can Mexicanize this country, they certainly will. For what is the military
interference against which they protest, and which they declare to be just
occasion of armed resistance ? It is simply the care taken by the United States
authorities that rebels shall not vote. It is the care taken that the Government
shall not be put into the hands of JEFFERSON DAVIS and his conspirators. Is it
an arbitrary assumption of power to prevent traitors from voting ? Is it a crime
for which the Government may be justly overthrown that it forbids the bitterest
enemies of the Government from controlling it? The Chicago party insist that
" HARRY GILMORE" shall vote in
Maryland. He is an open armed enemy of the United States ; but he is a voter,
says the Chicago doctrine, by the law of Maryland, The intention is plain. The
military power of the rebellion being now on the way to destruction, the Chicago
party wish to restore the vigor of treason by giving to it civil ascendency.
JOHNSON, Of Tennessee, has issued his proclamation, by which all free white men,
citizens and soldiers, twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States,
and for six months before the election citizens of the State of Tennessee, duly
registered, and who take the most stringent oath of fidelity to the United
States Govenment, are admitted to vote, and all others will be prohibited from
Is this tyranny ? We ask every
citizen and soldier in the land, Is it a destruction of our liberties that
neither JEFFERSON DAVIS, nor ALEXANDER STEPHENS, nor BENJAMIN, nor WIGFALL, nor
ROBERT LEE, nor HOOD, are to be allowed to vote for President until they shall
have taken an oath of fidelity to the Union and Government ? The Chicago party
declares that it is. The Chicago party denounce such conduct as the imposition
of illegal oaths. The Chicago party proclaims that such conduct justifies
And these are "Conservatives !"
They went to Charleston four years ago, and said that if they could not rule
they would ruin. They have been trying to do it ever since. By arms in the South
and by arts in the North they have endeavored to destroy the Government.
Pleading a sensitive regard for the Constitution, they have been in open
sympathy with those who are warring upon it, and now declare that, in the midst
of a fierce war, to require an
oath of fidelity to it before
voting is reason enough for rebellion. A people that have so patiently and
heroically maintained a war during four years to defend their Government are not
very likely to betray themselves upon the eve of victory by surrendering it to
the friends of their enemies. If those friends decide to take up arms they will
find the people ready. Four years have taught the American people that they must
maintain themselves against domestic enemies. They have had tolerable success
thus far, and they will probably not yield to threats and resolutions what they
have refused to shot and shell.
WHEN the news of
victories in the Valley began to arrive, a month ago, a man standing in front of
a newspaper bulletin, and reading the good tidings, looked very gloomy, and
remarked to his melancholy neighbor, " If this sort of thing goes on,
LINCOLN will be re-elected." How did that gentleman look, we wonder, on
Wednesday morning, when the news from Pennsylvania began to arrive ? It was a
continuation of this sort of thing." It was news of the people doing at home
what the soldiers are doing in the field妖efending the Union, the Government,
and the Country. It was saying to SHERIDAN and
"You shall not fight for a nation that is unworthy your heroism." It was
shouting to the brave boys in the field, with three times three, " Strike home,
and you shall be supported!"
The contest in Pennsylvania was
most earnest and intense, The Chicago-London party had deserted all other points
to concentrate upon the keystone of the arch. If they could only start that from
its fidelity they hoped that the whole fabric would crumble. If they could
persuade Pennsylvania to speak doubtfully for the Union in October, they were
confident they could induce the country to surrender to rebellion in November.
Beaten there they foresaw defeat every where, Consequently, no effort has been
spared. Money in profusion, and the most reckless and desperate political
trickery have been lavished upon the State. They have strained every nerve to
draw Pennsylvania from her support of the American Union and Government, and, by
the blessing of God and her faithful people, the combined forces of Treason,
foreign hate, and rebellious Slavery have signally and disastrously failed.
It is a State triumph, a national
triumph, and a triumph of universal liberty and good government. It proclaims to
the whole world the inflexible resolution of the American people to maintain
their Union and Government without compromise with rebellion, and without asking
the permission of traitors and foreign foes. All hail, Pennsylvania! As you are
the keystone of the Union, so you have struck the key note of the chorus of
Union victory. " We do not think the war a failure. We do not ask for an
immediate cessation of hostilities. We do not believe the Government of the
United States powerless, and surrender to armed treason the only hope of
national safety," says Pennsylvania ; and already the amen is gathering which
will burst triumphant from the popular heart on the eighth day of November.
THE State of VALLANDIGHAM, who
advocates it division of the Union into four parts葉he State of GEORGE H.
PENDLETON, the Chicago companion of
GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, who thinks that the
United States Government has no right to defend itself against treason and
rebellion, has spoken again as she always speaks, for Union, liberty, and law.
She has declared against her recreant sons, and for the undivided country. She
sustains ABRAHAM LINCOLN, and with him GRANT and SHERMAN, SHERIDAN and FARRAGUT,
the army and the navy of the "United States.
Every true lover of his country
and his kind has the right to rejoice over the noble result in Ohio, for it is
another vindication of the American principle of popular government It is
another proof that in the very heat and crisis of a civil war the people can
still calmly see their highest duty and faithfully perform it. The mother of the
West has spoken. and the great and glorious family will echo her words in
WE had not dared to hope for
victory in Indiana ; but so overpowering is the popular sentiment of patriotism
that the most doubtful of States disdains the imputation of uncertain fidelity,
and stands by her gallant and noble MORTON.
As we survey the field of
Tuesday's work, what is the natural feeling? After that of devout gratitude that
the people have been so true to their highest interests, is it not a resolution
that the whole country shall do what Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana have done ?
After Indiana, need we despair of little New Jersey, where our friends are so
steadily and cheerily
working? To the States of
Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, all Union loving Americans owe a debt that they
will not forget, and that they will discharge most satisfactorily to the brave
men of those States by going in November and doing likewise.
GEORGIA PEACE PLATFORM,
THE Macon Confederate Union
newspaper has an official account of the reply of Governor BROWN, of Georgia, to
an inquiry concerning the peace negotiations between him and General SHERMAN.
Governor BROWN'S reply is long, but its substance is small. It is merely State
sovereignty. If the United States want peace, says the Governor, let them
confess that they are not the United States, and they can have it. Let them
confess that their Government is destroyed, and that the Union is a foolish
chimera---let them agree that every State may do exactly as it chooses葉hat the
Constitution is a compact which any one of the parties may break at will葉hat
the Union is a partnership at the pleasure of the partners ; in a word, that
WASHINGTON, HAMILTON, and MADISON knew nothing of the Constitution, but that Mr.
JOHN C. CALHOUN was its only true expounder 様et the United States merely do
this, let Mr. LINCOLN proclaim an armistice, and then let every sovereign State
decide for herself whether she will join the old or the new League, and we can
have peace at once.
Governor BROWN adheres to the
Chicago platform, and to the views of Mr. PENDLETON, the Chicago candidate.
These are precisely the political opinions of CALHOUN, of JEFFERSON DAVIS, and
of GEORGE H. PENDLETON, " Just give it all up," says Governor B. ; "just agree
that you are all in the wrong, and we all in the right; just confess that the
war is a crime, as friend PENDLETON calls it, and there we are."
Whoever votes for Mr. PENDLETON
Votes for the views of Governor BROWN. If his vote be honest, he can not regard
the war as any thing but a monstrous wrong against the rights of the States, If
Mr. PENDLETON'S theory of our Government be correct, that it is a mere league or
confederation of sovereign powers, then the war, waged upon the ground that the
United States are a nation and their Government a Government, is totally
unjustifiable. It comes to that at last. To negotiate, to compromise, is to
surrender the national principle, and to concede that the authority of the
United States is a name and the
American flag a foolish rag. That is what
Governor BROWN of Georgia urges. That is what JEFFERSON DAVIS and JUDAH BENJAMIN
declare. That is what HORATIO SEYMOUR and his Chicago Convention assert; and to
bring it to a test before the American people, that Convention declares the war
a failure, and invites us to acquit JEFFERSON DAVIS by voting for General MACPENDLETON.
THE GENERAL ISSUE.
MR. HORATIO SEYMOUR, the Governor
of New York and the President of the Chicago Convention, made a speech after the
nominations of that body in which he said ;
" What think he [MACPENDLETON] is
an able man too. But no matter--we intend to carry this election upon what
lawyers call the general issue." .
What, then, according to Governor
SEYMOUR, is " the general issue?"
General Dix says that it is
whether we shall prosecute the war until the rebels lay down their arms, or make
immediate efforts for a cessation of hostilities and a convention.
General LOGAN says that there are
but two parties葉hose who support and encourage the rebels, and those who oppose
General Wool, says that the
Chicago candidates were nominated by a convention that sympathized with rebels,
and whose platform was dictated by Southern traitors.
General BUTLER says that it is
for the loyal men of the North to see the it that the rebellion does not end in
the separation of the States, as proposed by the Southern leaders, aided by the
election of General MACPENDLETON and the Chicago platform.
These are authorities upon the
real issue as weighty, perhaps, as Mr. HORATIO SEYMOUR. But what says he? What,
in his view, is the issue now presented to the American people ?
On the 31st of January, 1861, he
made a speech in Albany--the Tweddle-Hall speech. It was enthusiastically
applauded, and was published as a campaign document by the present Chicago
party. A constitutional election had just ended. The party to which Mr. SEYMOUR
belonged, and which had controlled the Government for many years, had been
removed from power by a constitutional majority of the people. A section of his
party at the South had already seized the national property, and openly
threatened the existence of the Union and of the Government. The simple question
was, shall the authority of the Government be maintained, or surrendered to
menace ? " The condition of our affairs," said Governor SEYMOUR, "forces upon us
the alternative of compromise or civil war." He considers these altenatives, and
then concludes: " When unnatural war
shall have brought upon our
people its ruin, and upon our nation its shame, to what ground shall we be
brought at last ? To that we should have accepted at the outset." What is that?
Compromise. Mr. JAMES S. THAYER, Mr. SEYMOUR'S companion upon the Tweddle
platform, said that the Southern States had a right to secede, and if the
Government tried to prevent them it ought to be resisted by arms. Mr.
VALLANDIGHAM said at Dayton that he always knew it would come to compromise. Mr.
FERNANDO WOOD, two years ago, declared that the war could have no other result.
The issue, then, according to Mr.
SEYMOUR, supported by his friends of the Chicago Convention and Mr. WOOD, is
this : that the constitutional majority of the people have no right to govern,
and ought to yield to threats and arms; that when a part of the citizens are
dissatisfied with the result of an election, and resist it by force, they are to
be allowed to have their way, and the majority and Government, not they, are to
But again, on the 28th October,
1861, Mr. HORATIO SEYMOUR made another speech, and once more stated the issue :
" If it is true that slavery must be abolished to save this Union, then the
people of the South should be allowed to withdraw themselves from that
Government which can not give them the protection guaranteed by its terms." That
is to say, if some citizens to save slavery, abhorred of God and man, take up
arms to resist the result of a constitutional election, and to destroy the
Government and the nation, we must allow them both to be destroyed rather than
touch slavery ! The Union may go to the dogs, but human slavery must and shall
be preserved !
This is what lawyers call "the
general issue," says Mr. HORATIO SEYMOUR, and upon this we intend to ask the
country to vote for our Chicago candidates, who are to be the agents of our
policy. The general issue, therefore, fairly stated by the President of the
Chicago Convention, is LINCOLN, Liberty, and Union, or MACPENDLETON, Disunion,
and Slavery. For that issue the American people are quite ready.
DAVIS'S LAST SPEECH AND
THE late speech of JEFFERSON
DAVIS is very significant. At first it seemed so evidently a cry of frantic
desperation that it was doubtful whether it were authentic. But, authentic or
not, it is equally significant. If he really made it, it is the most pitiful
wail of baffled treason. If it were forged by the Macon paper in which it
appears, the object of the forgery could only have been to dispirit the rebels
by the apparent despair of their chief, with the farther purpose of suggesting
submission by revealing the hopelessness of the rebellion.
But there seems no reason to
doubt its authenticity. JEFFERSON DAVIS did probably make the speech ; or
something of which this is a general report. He doubtless called General BUTLER
a beast, because Mr. DAVIS is not choice in his epithets, and has formerly
spoken of his loyal fellow-citizens as hyenas. Doubtless he spoke of General
BUTLER as seeking, in his efforts to exchange prisoners, "to whitewash himself
by intercourse with gentlemen ;" although in what particular a Southern planter
who sells babies and lives by the unpaid labor of men and women whom he whips at
pleasure, is more gentlemanly than a Northern lawyer or mechanic who lives by
his own honest labor, Mr. JEFFERSON DAVIS fails to show. Doubtless he said that
" the end must be the defeat of our enemy," for
JOHNSTON and HOOD had drawn
SHERMAN from his base all the way to Atlanta; and because the rebellion holds
hardly a quarter of the area with which it began ; and because as DAVIS himself
says immediately afterward, "You have not many men between eighteen and
forty-five left." Doubtless he said, " The city of Macon is filled with stores,
sick, and wounded." Doubtless he added, " Two-thirds of our men are absent, most
without leave." Doubtless, too, he added, "In Virginia the disparity in numbers
is just as great as it is in Georgia." .And doubtless, as a logical conclusion,
he said, "Let no one despond. Let no one distrust; and remember if genius is the
beau-ideal, hope is the reality."
There are those who have tried
hard to form some heroic conception of JEFFERSON DAVIS, to represent him as a
fine historical figure. The British Chancellor of the Exchequer, GLADSTONE,
spoke of his " creating a nation." The rebel penny-a-liners for the British
newspapers and for our own Copperhead journals have been very fond of comparing
his "dignity" with Mr. LINCOLN'S want of it. But where was ever seen such sorry
want of pluck in the defeated leader of a great and wicked enterprise? Where was
ever heard such a shameful whine as this Macon speech? The Roman Catiline,
DAVIS'S great exemplar, but less guilty than he, died sullen and gloomy upon the
field. But this renegade American, this wretched traitor who has brought all the
woes of war upon his country because he was defeated at an election, whimpers, "
If one half the men now absent without leave will return to duty we can defeat
the enemy. With that hope I am going to the front. I may not realize this hope,
but I know there are men there (Next