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GOVERNOR MORTON, of Indiana, was
serenaded and made a speech a few days ago. He expressed a sentiment which has
been heard elsewhere. "I am for crushing the rebellion," said the Governor, "but
not by means which would make reconciliation impossible."
But, Governor, when people are
pushed to war somebody must be hurt. "What is
war but a
mutual hurting of two parties until one yields to the other? War is meant to
inflict injury. It is the argument of physical strength when the mental argument
Then if an enemy must be hurt,
and will certainly hurt you, in what way may he be hurt? Clearly in every way
that, without unnecessary personal
torture, may compel him to submit. If a man
attacks me murderously I may fairly hold his hands, or throw him down, or shoot
him. So if a nation or a faction begins a war, every means that will cripple
their resources and shear their strength is honorable warfare. You may blockade
a port, or you may surround a fort, and starve them into surrender. You may
seize the horses, carriages, and telegraphs that might convey men, means, or
information. You may seize corn and crops, and unquestionably destroy them
rather than that they should fall into the enemy's hands and help him. Will
Governor Morton say why you must respect the labor which is the source of all
these helps to the foe ?
If by any means the rebels could
stop the work in the Northern factories, which are now humming night and day
with the weaving of cloths and necessaries of every kind for our army, would
they not do so, and have a perfect right to do it? If, although they might be
beyond the Potomac, they could show the workmen that it was for their interest
to stop working for us, does Governor Morton think that they might not fairly do
it? Can he conceive a more disastrous blow to our cause? And if in doing so they
should do an act just and desirable in itself, would that be any objection?
But he may think that, if the
operatives immediately began to ravish and murder, it would be a very inhuman
thing to excite them. But no people under such circumstances ever did or do such
things. It is holding men in slavery which produces servile insurrections, not
releasing them. And again, if there be any truth in the argument that a release
of the slaves of rebels would carry terror into the rebellious section, since
that is the very thing we are trying to do, the very purpose for which we have
collected fleets and armies-since war is organized terror, and fear subdues men
suddenly, upon what ground can we honestly refrain, in justice to the men who
have taken their lives in their hands for their country, to bring the terror of
this threat to bear upon the enemies of the country ? If they think it a real
danger they will succumb, or deliberately risk the result. If they do not think
it so, why should Governor Morton ?
Besides, does any man in his
senses not see that this weapon must and will be used, rather than the
destruction of the country be suffered ? Then it is simply a question of time
and of necessity—a question of circumstances.
Once more. Every man ought to
know that the exasperation of feeling can go no farther than it has already
reached. This generation in the rebellious section has been educated in contempt
of the Union and hatred of the North. The feeling is perfectly unreasonable. It
can not be conciliated. Those who have it are to be, and will be, conquered.
When they are conquered they will be reasonable.
THE case of Gordon, the
slave-trader, has peculiar interest in the midst of the war. The general
conviction undoubtedly is that he will not be hung, but that his sentence will
be commuted. The reason for this view seems to be that this is the first capital
conviction under an old law; and that as the slave-trade between the States is
not punished as piracy, it is practically unfair to treat the African
slave-trade as such.
The difference between the two is
simply this, that the sufferings of the victims are naturally longer in the
transport across the ocean than in the carriage from State to State. The
essential meanness, inhumanity, and crime are the same in both cases. In
sentencing the prisoner, the judge said : "Think of the cruelty and wickedness
of seizing nearly a thousand fellow-beings who never did you harm, and thrusting
them beneath the decks of a small ship, beneath a burning tropical sun, to die
of disease or suffocation, or be transported to distant lands, and be consigned,
they and their posterity, to a fate far more cruel than death. * * * As you are
soon to pass into the presence of that God of the black man as well as the white
man, who is no respecter of persons, do not indulge for a moment the thought
that he hears with indifference the cry of the humblest of his children."
In these suitable and solemn
words speaks the honor of the nation. How they contrast with the extraordinary
words of a higher court—words which History fails to justify—that the Africans
were held to be people who had no rights to be respected! Which, in time name of
decency and justice, is the more respectable, the mild barbarian in his home,
living after his light and his kind, or the civilized Christian who seizes him,
packs him into the hold of a ship, with all the noisome attendant horrors of
which the record is unquestionable, and sails with him over the sea?
What extenuating circumstances
this case offers do not appear. If there be reasons why the sentence should not
be executed, the President will doubtless state them. If the penalty shall seem
to him too harsh for the offense, he will, in remitting it, of course recommend
to Congress to modify the law. But if he does that, can he escape recommending
the abolition of the death-penalty altogether? If Hicks were justly hung for
killing two or three persons at a blow and without pain
upon the ocean, what shall be
said of him who caused the death of scores by lingering tortures? No form of
piracy is so hideous as the
slave trade; and if every man in New York who is
concerned in the traffic dared to put up the sign which describes his business,
he would print upon it " Pirate and Murderer."
PATRIOTISM WITHOUT IFS.
THERE is no such thing as
conditional patriotism. Every citizen of this country is either for maintaining
the Government and the national integrity at any cost, or else there is some
price which he considers too costly to pay for it.
The question instantly occurs
whether there may not be a price too high; but the answer is returned as
immediately, What possible price can be extravagant for a system which secures
all rights and development?
If the system be essentially and
inevitably unfriendly to any human right—if justice to all men is lawfully
impossible under it—why maintain it at all? This was the old ground of the
Abolitionists, and they were honest disunionists, for they held that our system
secured the wrongs instead of the rights of men. But those who believe that "the
cause of the United States is the cause of human nature," maintain the
Government at any cost, because no price is too precious for the maintenance of
If, therefore, any citizen in any
border State values the Government only so long as it protects property in
slaves, but renounces it when, for its own salvation, the, Government
confiscates the property in slaves, he is just as patriotic as a Lowell
manufacturer would be who should be unwilling to have the Government maintain
itself by confiscating the mills of disloyal manufacturers.
John Hancock had said, "I am
for America, provided that you are not compelled to burn Boston and destroy my
property," John Hancock would have had the same kind of immortality that Patrick
Henry conferred upon Hook, the beef contractor for the army. The citizen in the
border States or elsewhere who takes the conditional ground is not a Union man
in the necessary sense; and, however honest he may be, he can not reasonably be
trusted; for no man can be trusted in any kind of struggle who is not equal to a
reverse. And the conditionally loyal man is only waiting to see which side shows
the strongest. He will veer with every victory.
HUMORS OF THE DAY.
A ROYAL ENGRAVING BY DOO.—The
Ex-King of Naples, in answer to a deputation who went through the solemn mockery
of presenting him with a sword, which is about as useful to him as a razor-strop
would be to a baby, said, with most facetious gravity:
"The Queen and I shall preserve,
eternally engraved on our hearts, the names of you all."
How they are to be engraved we
can not tell, unless it is by the process of lithography.
A SENSIBLE EXCHANGE.—"Why, my
dear Mrs. Smith, what ever have you done with your Piano?"
"Oh! Mr. Smith insisted upon my
disposing of it, and buying instead a Serving Machine for each of the girls. He
says they would be much more useful, and would make much less noise."
THE FORCE OF CONTRADICTION CAN NO
To make a Will is the Wont of
every prudent man.
A WELL-WISHER. —There is a man in
Pennsylvania who has the power of divining the existence of an oil-spring merely
by the smell. He is out to possess this penetrating faculty from having a very
strongly-developed oil-factory nerve.
A TICKLISH EXPENSE.—Of ail
extravagances, perhaps the habit of snuff-taking is the worst, as one can not
help paying for it through the nose.
MEN AND BEES.
Working Bees, in summer's heat,
Making honey, stock their hives, So that they have food to eat When the wintry
cold arrives. By their toil the store was got,
Of it they partake their due;
Out of work with them is not
Therefore out of victuals too.
Working Men, employed, can earn
Little more than bread and cheese; In a hoard they've no concern, Like the
happier Working Bees.
All that they produce, beside
What their present hunger craves,
Goes for others to provide;
None except the Master saves.
Now the winter is at hand,
Bees and men may work no more,
Bees can sustenance command; Men
can only help implore. Masters, you will live at ease On the fruits of labor
They are shared by Working Bees,
Give a share to Working Men.
CONCISE, IF NOT CORRECT.—An
Englishman, who thought he knew every thing—as many Englishmen do-was
endeavoring to prove that the French language was capable of expressing a great
deal more in a few words than the English could in several, and as a convincing
example he brought forward the following instance : "You see, if I wanted to
state that I had lost my war-horse in battle, all I should have to say would be
simply, 'Mon cheval est hors-de-combat.'"
A BILL ACCEPTOR.-A dead wall.
ANOTHER SECESSIONIST.- Should the
Pope at last resolve upon yielding up his temporal power, it will obviously be
an act of Papal See-cession.
Why is an apple-tree like crooked
wall!— Because it isn't plumb.
The other day we threw a shell
from the Rip Raps into one of the rebel batteries, but owing to some defect it
did not explode. They would not accept such an imperfect piece of workmanship;
they refused it, and sent it back.
Why is it unpleasant to have
carrion near?— Because it makes an offal smell.
A piece of common sense that
ought to be remembered by every soldier when his regiment is about leaving for
the seat of war:—It is not right to be left.
Why did William Tell shudder when
he shot the apple from his son's head?—Because it was an arrow escape for his
ON Tuesday, December 10, in the
Senators Fessenden and Sumner presented petitions for emancipating
slaves under the war power. A resolution to expel Waldo P. Johnson for
sympathizing and acting with the rebels was laid over. Bills were introduced to
authorize the President to acquire territory for the settlement of free negroes,
and for the reorganization of the Medical Department of the army. Senator Hale
called up his resolution instructing the Judiciary Committee to inquire into the
expediency of abolishing the present judicial system of the United States and
establishing another, which was agreed to. A bill to render more operative the
law passed last summer relative to the sale of spirituous liquors in the
District of Columbia was also presented.
-In the House, Mr. Pendleton, of Ohio, made a speech on his motion to refer back to the
Judiciary Committee the memorial of the whilom Baltimore Police Commissioners,
now resident at
Fort Warren, Boston harbor. He was briefly replied to, in
support of the course pursued by the President, to the effect that all that
could be urged in favor of these and other prisoners similarly held had been
already fully answered by the argument of Attorney-General Bates, and that it
did not lie in the mouths of the memorialists to claim the benefit of the
Constitution, every provision of which they had trampled under foot." Mr.
Pendleton's motion was tabled by 108 yeas to 26 nays. The Senate resolution for
a joint committee to inquire into the conduct of the war was concurred in.
On Wednesday, 11th, in the
Senate, after the presentation of a petition for the emancipation of slaves,
Senator Wilson offered a resolution of inquiry as to what reduction could be
made in the expenses of the army. Resolutions from the Legislature of Kentucky,
asking Congress to relieve the distressed people of Ireland, mere presented.
Senator Chandler offered a resolution appointing a joint committee having power
to retire improper officers of the army and navy. A joint resolution for the
confiscation of rebel property and satisfying claims of loyal men was
introduced.-In the House, a resolution was introduced to the effect that the
President be respectfully requested to direct
General Halleck to recall his
order referring to fugitive slaves, or cause it to conform to the practice in
other departments of the army. After speeches from members in support of and in
opposition to the proposition, the whole subject was laid on the table by a vote
of seventy-eight yeas to sixty-four nays. A bill providing for time recognition
of the republics of Hayti and Liberia was introduced, but, on motion, it was
voted that in lieu of this bill the Committee on Foreign Affairs be directed to
inquire into the expediency of such recognition. A bill to forfeit the property
and slaves of persons found in arms against the Government was introduced and
referred to the Judiciary Committee. A bill for the punishment of treason, for
the re-numeration of loyal citizens for losses sustained at the hands of the
rebels, and to provide homesteads for soldiers, was introduced and referred to
the Judiciary Committee.
On Thursday, 12th, in the Senate,
a bill authorizing the President to fill the vacancies at the West Point Academy
was introduced and referred to the Military Committee. A resolution making the
appointments in the
Naval Academy to depend entirely upon merit was adopted. A
resolution for an examination into the army sutler system was agreed to. A joint
resolution in favor of an exchange of prisoners was referred. The proposition to
expel Senator Johnson, of Missouri, was debated and referred to the Judiciary
Committee. The Senate held an executive session and then adjourned.—In the
House, some further remarks passed between Messrs. Blair and Lovejoy on the
subject of General Halleck's recent orders with regard to contrabands, Mr. Blair
producing and reading a letter on the subject, which he had received from
General H. After considerable discussion its further consideration was postponed
till Monday. On the taking up of the special order—namely, the various
propositions involving the emancipation of the slaves of rebels—a long and
animated debate ensued, which finally led to a spirited personal altercation
between Messrs. Conway, of Kansas, and Fouke, of Illinois, when the subject was
dropped, and the House adjourned till Monday next.
On Monday, Dec. 16, in the
Senate, petitions were presented for the unconditional abolishment of slavery,
for the emancipation of the slaves of rebels, and for an exchange of prisoners.
Senator Wilson introduced his bill for the abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia. The bill provides for the appointment of commissioners to inquire
into the validity of the claims presented for compensation for manumitting such
persons, providing the whole amount shall not exceed more than three hundred
dollars for each person so held to service or labor, and appropriates one
million of dollars for carrying the act into effect. A resolution was offered by
Senator Wilkinson, to expel Jesse D. Bright from the Senate of the United
States, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. The resolution referring
to the arrest of persons in the loyal States was then taken up, which raised a
discussion as to the right of the President to suppress the writ of habeas
corpus, in which a number of members took part. The matter was referred to the
Judiciary Committee by a vote of 25 to 17. After agreeing to a resolution of
inquiry as to the cause of the escape of the Sumter, an executive session was
held.—In the House, a personal difficulty between Messrs. Conway and Fouke was
again brought up by the former gentleman rising to a question of privilege, and
some unparliamentary language indulged in by both parties. Bills were introduced
providing for the relief of Union soldiers now
prisoners in the rebel States,
and for the establishment of branch Mint in Nevada Territory. A bill was passed
striking from the pension roll the names of all persons in any manner aiding the
rebellion. Mr. Vallandigham introduced a preamble and resolution sustaining the
Administration in the stand it has taken respecting the action of Captain Wilkes
arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell. The subject was referred to the
Committee on Foreign Affairs. The consideration of the bill authorizing the
raising of a volunteer force for the defense of Kentucky was then resumed, which
called up a discussion upon nearly the whole conduct of the war. The bill
passed. A joint resolution was adopted, if the Senate concur, that when the
House adjourns on Thursday it be until January 6.
THE OCCUPATION OF SHIP ISLAND.
steamer-transport Constitution, Captain A. T. Fletcher, arrived at Fortress
Monroe on 15th, where she called for orders, on her return from Ship Island,
Mississippi Sound, having safely landed at the latter place, December 4, the two
regiments (Twenty-sixth Massachusetts, and Ninth Connecticut), which embarked on
her at Boston, the 18th and 21st of November. In this southward expedition,
after proceeding to Portland for the Twelfth Regiment of Maine, which did not
embark on her, the Constitution proceeded to Fortress Monroe, November 23, where
she arrived on the 26th. She coaled, and left on the 28th, and, after a pleasant
passage, arrived at Ship Island, Mississippi Sound, December 3.
Her arrival here was as
gratifying as it was unexpected by the little fleet and small garrison which
have been holding the place against constant threats, and occasional attacks
from the rebels. By the assistance of two large river steamers, which had been
captured in Mississippi Sound only a short time previous to her arrival, the
troops and material of war, and subsistence stores, were landed between the 4th
and 8th of December—a single accident only occurring, by which one of the steel
rifled guns belonging to Captain Manning's Light Battery was lost overboard. The
two regiments were comfortably encamped on the island, near the light-house, and
the Salem Battey near the fortification. On the 8th the last of the cargo was
landed on the beach, and was taken charge of by Commissary Butler, brother of
Major-General Butler, who will probably join the expedition in a short time with
a large accession to the force.
THE ARMIES IN KENTUCKY.
In Kentucky the movements of the troops betoken an
early engagement with the rebels. The contending forces
are large on both sides, the rebels having twenty-five thousand men under
General Buckner, and the Unionists a sufficient force to give them battle.
General Buell, in
Louisville, is in constant telegraphic communication with the
advancing forces, and is employing all the rolling stock of the railway in
forwarding troops and supplies. In the neighborhood of Somerset both armies are
at Fishing Creek, five miles west
of that place,
General Zollicoffer is also reported erecting rebel batteries.
There are indefinite rumors in Cincinnati of an engagement between
General McCook and the rebels at Mumfordsville, but they are not credited.
EXPECTED BATTLE IN MISSOURI.
A report reached St. Louis last
week that Generals Rains and Stein, with their rebel forces, had taken
possession of Lexington, that the Union troops had engaged them there, and that
a battle was then in progress. Additional Union troops were marching in that
direction to meet the rebels.
The Forty-sixth New York
Regiment, Colonel Rosa, has left
Hilton Head and proceeded to Tybee Island. The
Seventy-sixth and Sixtieth Pennsylvania Volunteers now occupy Otter Island in
St. Helena Sound. The island possesses some strategic value from the fact that
it commands the entrance of the South Edisto River and other important river
The cotton gathering by the
negroes, under the direction of our troops, is progressing satisfactorily;
several hundred bales have been brought down from Beaufort to Hilton Head. Over
two millions of dollars' worth have already been secured.
RUMORED REACTION IN TENNESSEE.
A story is published of the state
of affairs in
Nashville, Tennessee, as furnished by two refugee from the rebel
New Orleans, who have just arrived in Cincinnati. It appears that while
passing through Nashville on the 6th instant a counter-revolution of the most
exciting character was going on. An effort to impress some citizens into the
rebel army was resisted by the people, who rose in large numbers, and a general
riot ensued. The police, who endeavored to subdue the multitude, were fiercely
opposed, and four of them killed. The people then rushed toward the Capitol, to
take vengeance on the rebel Governor, Harris, but that functionary fled
precipitately to Memphis. This fact in itself is suggestive of a general
reactionary movement in the South; but taken in connection with the accounts we
have recently had of a similar spirit in North Carolina, Eastern Tennessee, the
two reclaimed counties of Eastern Virginia, Arkansas, and New Orleans, there is
abundant evidence that the Unionists in the rebel States, and thousands of
others who are weary of the grinding despotism of Davis and his colleagues, are
only waiting for protection and encouragement from the Government to put
themselves once more under the folds of the old banner.
BATTLE IN WESTERN VIRGINIA.
Intelligence reaches us by way of Cincinnati that a hard-fought battle came off
on Friday in Pocahontas county, Western Virginia, between General Milroy, of the
Union troops, and General Johnston, commanding the rebels, which lasted from
daylight till three o'clock in the afternoon. The Union troops numbered 750, and
the rebels over 2000. The rebels, were defeated, set fire to their camp, and
retreated beyond the borders of Western Virginia. General Johnston was said to
be shot in the month, while the loss of his men amounted to 200. On our side
only thirty men were killed.
A MESSAGE FROM GENERAL BUCKNER.
The rebel General Buckner
recently sent a flag of truce from his camp at
Bowling Green, Kentucky, to the
Union lines, asking permission for his wife to pass on to Louisville with the
mortal remains of their infant daughter, which they wished to inter in their
family vault in that city. General Buell courteously denied the request.
GENERAL HUNTER AT WORK.
General Hunter's proclamation to
the Trustees of Platte City, Missouri, contains language strong and
unmistakable. He names the persons he addresses, and says that, unless the
rebels under a secession thief named Si. Gordon are not captured or driven out
of that locality by the inhabitants themselves within ten days, he will send a
force with orders to "reduce to ashes the houses of every secessionist in the
country, and to carry away every negro."
PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE ALONG
THE NORTHERN FRONTIER.
Colonel C. A. Waite, of the
United State Army, has been placed in command of the military posts along the
Northern line. His department extends from Maine to Michigan, and the different
posts are immediately to be occupied and put in a state of defense. A regiment
of cavalry will be stationed at Detroit. A regiment of artillery will be located
in divisions at Niagara, Lockport, and Sackett's Harbor; and Fort Montgomery, at
Rouse's Point, will be occupied by two companies of United States infantry
within a few days, the works put in a state of defense, and guns mounted as soon
THE "TRENT" AFFAIR.
ON receipt of the news of the
boarding of the Trent in England the popular excitement became intense. Mr.
Bright had made a speech at Rochdale, in which he referred in the friendliest
terms to the cause in which the North is engaged, and expressed a hope that a
rupture might still be avoided. Mr. Cobden had written a letter, moderate in
tone, invoking a suspension of judgment. But the entire drift of opinion
appeared to be in the direction of war, the ministerial press fanning the
popular flame by promising to clear the sea of the American navy in a month;
acknowledge the Southern Confederacy; and, by breaking the blockade, letting out
cotton, and letting in British manufactures. A blockade of the Northern ports is
also on the war programme. The London Observer, the more intimate mouth-piece of
the ministers, declares it would be not only proper, but easy, to cause Slidell
and Mason to be delivered to a British frigate, anchored in front of Washington,
with twelve other royal men-of-war attending as witnesses of the humiliating
spectacle. The tone of the press generally is violent and uncompromising, and
little hope is expressed that the United States will make concessions. The
Louden Times, indeed, declares a war to be sought by Mr Seward through this
transaction; and a remark said to have been made by General Scott since his
arrival at Paris, is cited as showing the insult to have been deliberately
planned by the Washington Cabinet.
The effect of the war policy of
the Government upon the markets has been striking. The funds have fallen three
per cent. ; American securities have fallen six, and Canadian securities ten per
cent. The speculative demand for cotton has utmost ceased, in view of the early
opening of the cotton ports resulting from hostilities, while bread-stuffs have
A ROYAL PROCLAMATION.
Queen Victoria had issued a
proclamation forbidding the export from all ports of the United Kingdom of
gunpowder, nitre, nitrate of soda, brimstone, lead, and fire-arms.
THE BRITISH FLEET.
The three classes of reserve
comprise eight line-of-battle ships, six frigates, five corvettes, and twelve
sloops, mounting a grand total of 1861 guns. The steam gun-boats attached are
not included, which are twenty-one in number, with forty-two guns. This,
however, does not include the gun-boats and mortar-vessels laid up. The list is
confined entirely to effective vessels at present, or could be rendered so with
little delay. The ships in commission for service at Portsmouth mount 342 guns.
The total number of guns in the ships enumerated above is 225, while Admiral
Milne's fleet on time North American station amounts to 837 guns.
PUBLIC OPINION THERE.
The Paris Moniteur considers a
peaceful solution not impossible, and says that public opinion in the United
States is very powerful, but is also very fickle, and it is best to await a
solution of the question.
The Paris Journal des Debats
approves the review of the Moniteur, and adds that the French Government is in
no hurry to recognize the South.
Other French papers are of the