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Robert E. Lee Portrait
Page) earnestly who does not sympathize more sincerely with the
rebel, than with the national, Congress. He does not openly denounce the
Government, for he has learned that that is not a safe business, but he angrily
denounces all who are for maintaining it at every cost. The real enemies of the
Union, he insists, are those who are resolved to save it. Let us hang those, he
cries, who are for preserving the Union any how, and all will be serene.
So it will; perfectly serene for
the men who assert that they are our natural masters: who murder our bravest and
best, and torture those whom they do not kill; who are bent upon destroying our
peace and prosperity if they can not use us for their own purposes. Let the
people who are struggling for all that is precious to men or nations spew out
these politicians, who are trying to do the dirty work of the rebellion in the
very heart of our camp. Let them be made to understand that the people of this
country mean to save their Government at any cost, and if that cost shall
include justice to an outraged class, they will be only the more religiously
Jeff Davis remembers his friends or not after
the desperate and terrible war is over and every household in the land sits
among its ruins and counts its loved and honored and lost, the people of this
country will remember in that hour with dreadful distinctness the men who now,
in the midst of peril and upon the very battle-field, are trying to stab their
country and help its enemies.
THE VIEWS OF SOME GENERALS.
IT is most creditable to Generals
Sickles, Meagher, and
Corcoran—all of whom have proved themselves
brave soldiers—that in their speeches for the war they heartily denounce the
attempt to dissuade enlistments by the cry of abolitionism. They say distinctly,
what for their future it is to be hoped they see as clearly, that at this moment
there are no parties whatever except true men and traitors. There is the party
for the war, and the party against it. Those who are constantly shouting that
the abolitionists ought to be hung belong to the party that Jeff Davis loves.
General Corcoran puts it well when he says that he does not ask whether the man
at his side is an abolitionist or a pro-slavery man, so long as he stands firmly
shoulder to shoulder, and strikes straight for the Union,
Let us settle that we have a
Union, and then determine what party we belong to. And to that settlement let
nothing impede our way. Neither of the Generals that we name are
"abolitionists," as the word has been used, and they are not known as
anti-slavery men. They may even believe it practicable to save the Union and
leave slavery unharmed. But that they would let the Union slide rather than
slavery we do not believe; and that they will presently see that effectually to
end the war the slave system must be suppressed we do not doubt.
General Cochrane and General
Busteed have already said what they think of the question. The latter, with
acute humor, declares that he does not see that if his blood is not too good and
precious to be shed for the Government why a black man's is. He does not believe
that the lives of colored people are any more valuable than those of other
people; nor does he see why white men should go as substitutes for black ones.
General Sickles, in his Brooklyn
speech and elsewhere, mentions the folly of supposing that the liberation of
slaves would bring them to the North. He says, what every sensible person sees
to be true, that it would be the very thing to keep them at home, because then
they would have a fair chance.
General Spinola declares that he
thinks white men better fight and colored men dig. But he says that if the
rebels lose their
slaves they have only themselves to thank for
If, then, we can help our brave
fellows in the field, and at once shorten their service and the war by
disorganizing the labor, the lines, and the life, of the rebels, we do not
believe one of these Generals would insist upon keeping them strengthened. For
they are Generals not only because they wish to serve their country, but because
they are shrewd men and understand the necessities of things,
REPRESSING THE PRESS.
GENERAL HALLECK does not show himself less
worthy the public confidence because he forbids correspondents in camp. While we
are compelled to make war let us do it in a warlike way. Let us have secrecy of
movement, and if it can not be absolute, let us be as secret as we can. General
Halleck is said to be a man who does not care for any body's criticism or
opposition. Such a statement is probably an extravagant manner of expressing a
most desirable quality of character.
One thing, of course, he will not
forget. The people have a right to know the current course of affairs, and the
authorities have no right to change or cook the truth. When, therefore, the
Government undertakes to supply us with information, it must do it. After
Ball's Bluff the Government was apparently
guilty of tampering with the nation: that is to say, it had control of the
telegraph and it did not tell the truth. We had been bitterly and simply routed,
and the news came to us as a success even, then a masterly falling back. If the
authorities were themselves misinformed, there was no offense on their part, but
they should never have been again misinformed by those officers at least.
So the retreat of
McClellan upon the Peninsula was first
announced as a great movement which was sure to secure
Richmond. Exactly what that movement was is now
evident to the blindest prejudice. If it were represented to the Government as
other than a retreat, the Government should take care never to be deceived by
the same persons again.
Some newspapers assume that the
Government stops correspondence, from the conviction that the people are
children and cowards who can not bear
to hear the truth. On the
contrary, the Government treats us like men who understand that war has the most
rigid necessities, and who can wait until the issue of a movement before we hear
all the details. We greatly mistake General Halleck if he is going to suffer any
falsehoods or glosses to be telegraphed. He alone, if the Generals in the field
are faithful, knows, from hour to hour, the fortune of the day. He alone can
tell us at the earliest moment the comprehensive result. It would be the height
of folly in him to excite the public with every account he receives. On the
other hand, it would be downright madness to conceal any important event.
But why should we presuppose him
to be a fool? He is a citizen precisely as we are. He understands the peculiar
impatience and the actual rights of the public quite as accurately as we. Let us
candidly try him. Let us see if he is demented by his position. Thus far he
certainly does not seem to be. When he does, let us not hold our tongues.
QUAKERS AND THE WAR.
THE Legislature of Rhode Island
lately debated a proposition not to exempt
Quakers from military duty. The
ground of those who wished that they should serve like other citizens was that
the Quakers enjoyed all the benefits of the Government, sued in the courts, and
shared a protection which rested at last upon the bayonet; and that consequently
to release them from the duty of supporting that Government, in the last resort,
was to be guilty of class legislation.
The reply to this was, that
non-resistance was a tenet of the sect, and that to compel them to fight was to
interfere with that religious liberty and equal respect of sects which the
fundamental law guarantees.
The proposition was lost by a
heavy majority. Yet the ground of the defense seems to be unsound. To excuse the
Quakers, as a religious sect, from duties which are imposed upon all other
sects, is evidently a very unequal respect for sects. The only true ground of
excuse should be not that a man is a Quaker, but that he is a non-resistant. For
by what just law can a non-resistant Quaker be excused from military service,
and a non-resistant Baptist or Methodist compelled to serve? Suppose that a new
sect should appear with a new tenet of non-resistance, to the effect that
governments should be supported by voluntary contributions, should the members
of the sect be excused from taxation? And if the members of the sect, then why
not all citizens who hold similar opinions?
Unless, therefore, all persons
who conscientiously object to fighting are to be released from military duty,
there is no good reason why any of them should be.
The law in regard to the
exemption of Quakers is of no great importance in itself, because they are not a
large class, and because many of them practically disregard it, and are as
gallant soldiers as any in the field. But the principle of the law is very
important. It favors one sect. It discriminates between equal citizens. It is
really a law of privilege, and ought to be repealed. Then if it shall be thought
wise to excuse all citizens who have true conscientious scruples against
fighting, let a law be made to secure their release.
HUMORS OF THE
ALL men are kings by birth, for
no man is born without a crown to his head.
SENTIMENTAL YOUTH. "My dear girl,
will you share my lot for life?"
PRACTICAL GIRL. "How many acres
is your lot, Sir?"
"Jones has a reverence for
truth," said Brown. "So I perceive," was Smith's reply, "for he always keeps a
respectable distance from it."
Why is a milkman like Pharaoh's
daughter?—Because he takes a little profit out of the water.
What is the most daring theft a
man can be guilty of?—Taking the chair at a public meeting.
What is the most wonderful of
acrobatic feats?—For a man to revolve in his mind.
Why is a young lady like a bill
of exchange?—Because she ought to be "settled" when she arrives at maturity.
If a man marry a shrew, are we to
suppose he is shrewd?
"I wish you would not give me
such short weight for my money," said a customer to a grocer who had an
outstanding bill against him. "And I wish you wouldn't give me such long wait
for mine," replied the grocer.
An Irishman being asked at
breakfast how he came by " that black eye," said "he slept on his fist."
What is that which by adding
something to it will become smaller, but if you add nothing will grow larger? —A
hole in a stocking.
He is a first-rate collector who
can, upon all occasions, collect his wits.
"The ugliest trades," said
Jerrold, "have their moments of pleasure. Now if I were a grave-digger, or even
a hangman, there are some people I could work for with a great deal of
Some one blamed Dr. Marsh for
changing his mind. "Well," said he, "that is the difference between a man and a
jackass; the jackass can't change his mind and the man can—it's a human
The young lady who burst into
tears has been put together again, and is now wearing hoops to prevent the
recurrence of the accident.
"Caught in her own net," as the
man said when he saw one of the fair sex hitched in her crinoline.
We are told to have hope and
trust, but what's a poor fellow to do when he can no longer get trust?
An Irish stationer, after
advertising a variety of articles, gives the following nota bene: "To regular
customers I sell wafers gratis."
A girl recently stole a pair of
gloves, giving as a reason that she only wished to keep her hand in.
LADIES' SKINS —A furrier wishing
to inform the public that he would make up furs in a fashionable manner, out of
old furs which ladies have at home, appended the following to one of his
advertisements: "N.B.—Capes, victorines, etc., made up for ladies in fashionable
styles, out of their own skins!"
THE LARGEST ROOM IN THE
WORLD.—The "Room for Improvement."
ARMY OF VIRGINIA—THE REBELS AT MANASSAS.
ON the evening of 26th the
enemy's cavalry appeared at Manassas Station. The troops engaged numbered,
according to all accounts, nearly two thousand men, and were a portion of
Colonel Fitzhugh Lee's forces, which made the attack on Catlett's Station a few
days previous. The attack appears to have been first made on a train of cars at
Bristow, about four and a half miles west of Manassas; but the train, putting on
extra speed, escaped. The rebel cavalry then made a dash on Manassas, where they
were partially checked by the Eleventh New York battery. The resistance, though
gallant, was ineffectual, and the rebels destroyed every thing within their
reach—the railroad track, the cars, the telegraph wires, and all the Government
stores and buildings. The place appeared to have been undefended, save by three
or four companies of infantry and the single battery of undisciplined troops,
who were unable to make any defense.
ARE DRIVEN BACK.
The following dispatch from
General Pope explains the course he pursued:
MANASSAS JUNCTION, August 28—10
To Major-General H. W. Halleck,
As soon as I discovered that a
large force of the enemy was turning our right, toward Manassas, and that the
division I had ordered to take post there two days before had not yet arrived
from Alexandria, I immediately broke up my camp at Warrenton Junction and
Warrenton, and marched rapidly back in three columns.
McDowell, with his own and
Sigel's corps, to march upon Gainesville by the
Warrenton and Alexandria pike;
Reno and one division of Heintzelman to march on
Greenwich; and, with
Porter's corps and
Hooker's division, I marched back to Manassas
McDowell was ordered to interpose
between the forces of the enemy which had passed down to Manassas, through
Gainesville, and his main body, moving down from White Plains through
Thoroughfare Gap. This was completely accomplished, Longstreet, who had passed
through the Gap, being driven back to the west side.
The forces to Greenwich were
designed to support McDowell in case he met too large a force of the enemy. The
division of Hooker, marching toward Manassas, came upon the enemy near Kettle
Run on the afternoon of the 27th, and, after a sharp action, routed them
completely, killing and wounding three hundred, capturing camps and baggage and
many stand of arms.
This morning the command pushed
rapidly to Manassas Junction, which
Jackson had evacuated three hours in advance.
He retreated by
Centreville, and took the turnpike toward
Warrenton. He was met six miles west of Centreville by McDowell and Sigel late
this afternoon. A severe fight took place, which was terminated by darkness. The
enemy was driven back at all points, and thus the affair rests.
Heintzelman's corps will move on
him at daylight from Centreville, and I do not see how the enemy is to escape
without heavy loss. We have captured one thousand prisoners, many arms, and one
piece of artillery.
JOHN POPE, Major-General.
SECOND BATTLE OF BULL RUN.
The following dispatch explains
HEADQUARTERS, FIELD OF BATTLE,
GROVETON, NEAR GAINESVILLE, August 30, 1862. To Major-General Halleck,
Commander-in-Chief, Washington, D. C.:
We fought a terrific battle here
yesterday with the combined forces of the enemy, which lasted with continuous
fury from daylight until after dark, by which time the enemy was driven from the
field, which we now occupy.
Our troops are too much exhausted
to push matters; but I shall do so in the course of the morning, as soon as Fitz
John Porter's corps comes up from Manassas.
The enemy is still in our front,
but badly used up.
We have lost not less than 8000
men killed and wounded, and, from the appearance of the field, the enemy have
lost at least two to our one. He stood strictly on the defensive, and every
attack was made by ourselves.
Our troops have behaved
The battle was fought on the
identical battle-field of Bull Run, which greatly increased the enthusiasm of
The news just reaches us from the
front that the enemy is retreating toward the mountains. I go forward at once to
We have made great captures; but
I am not able yet to form an idea of their extent. JOHN POPE,
ANOTHER BATTLE ON 30TH.
The fighting was renewed on
Saturday between General Pope and the enemy, who had been considerably
reinforced. The battle was a severe one, the rebels gaining the advantage and
compelling General Pope to fall back to Centreville, which he did in good order.
Franklin's corps reached him at this point on Saturday evening, and General
Sumner's division was rapidly marching up to join him. He was expected to make
another assault on the enemy on 31st, with the fresh troops thus added to his
army, but there was very little fighting on that day, not more than an
occasional skirmish. The army was in fine condition and good spirits. The
position of General Pope is represented as the strongest in the vicinity of
Washington. Rebel scouts have penetrated as far as Langley's station, in the
vicinity of the
Chain Bridge; but it is said that all necessary
precautions have been taken to prevent a surprise of the capital in that
At the time we write (noon on
September 2), the
Army of Virginia, reinforced by the bulk of the
Army of the Potomac and other troops in
considerable numbers, lies intrenched on the heights of Centreville.
General Banks is understood to be at Manassas
Junction. The rebels made no attack on 31st August or 1st September, and appear
to be waiting for Pope to make the next move in the game. McClellan is at
Alexandria, in command of some remains of his army.
Burnside is at
Aquia Creek, having just
Fredericksburg. Troops are pouring into
Washington at the rate of several thousand a
DESTRUCTION OF CITY POINT.
The rebel rendezvous at City
Point was completely demolished on Thursday last by the gun-boats of
Commodore Wilkes. It appears that for some time
past the enemy had been harassing our transports, and Commodore Wilkes sent them
word that if they did not desist he would shell then out. The response to this
threat was a further reinforcement of riflemen and cannon and a more brisk fire
upon our flotilla. The gun-boats then proceeded to carry out Commodore Wilkes's
announcement, and finally demolished every building at City Point and drove the
rebels clear out of their strong-hold.
A DEFEAT IN KENTUCKY.
The rebels, 1800 strong, under
Morgan, came into collision with General
Johnson, near Gallatin, on the 21st, and compelled his force of 700 men to
surrender. General Johnson and staff were kindly treated by the rebel chief, and
released on parole. The Union loss was twenty-six killed, including Lieutenant
Wynkoop, of the Seventh Pennsylvania cavalry, and two other officers, and
thirty-three wounded. The rebel loss, including several officers, was thirteen
killed and fifty wounded.
The following telegram is
CINCINNATI, August 31,
On Friday afternoon the rebels
beyond Richmond, Kentucky, drove in our cavalry. General Manson, with the
Sixty-ninth and Seventy-first
Indiana, moved up, and after throwing a few shells the enemy retreated rapidly
beyond Rogersville, leaving one gun behind. Manson bivouacked for the night, and
on Saturday morning advanced with two regiments and four guns, and coming up
with the enemy, an artillery fight began, with heavy loss on both sides. The
enemy attempted to turn our left flank, when sharp fighting occurred between the
skirmishers. The Sixty-ninth Indiana advanced through a dense fire of shot and
shell to the relief of our skirmishers, and behaved like old soldiers; but the
rebels finally turned our left flank and advanced in full force on our column.
General Munson ordered a retreat, fell back three miles, and re-formed in line
of battle on high hills, with artillery in position on the right and left
The firing by artillery was
recommenced and kept up by both sides very briskly. After fighting about two
hours the enemy advanced on our right flank, under cover of the woods, and after
severe fighting succeeded in turning it. Retreat immediately took place to the
original camping ground. Here General Nelson came up, and, after great efforts,
succeeded in rallying the men, and formed another line of battle. Our artillery
ammunition was nearly exhausted, and some of the guns were left without a man to
work them, all having been killed or wounded.
General Nelson was wounded at
about three P.M., when the men again fell back, retreating to Lexington. The
enemy's forces numbered 15,000 or 20,000. The Union forces engaged were the
Ninty-fifth Ohio, Twelfth, Sixteenth, Sixty-sixth, Sixty-ninth, and
Seventy-first Indiana, Mundy's and Metcalf 's cavalry. The loss in killed and
wounded is heavy on both sides. The number is not yet known.
Lieutenant-Colonel Topping and
Major Kunkle, of the Seventy-first Indiana, were killed. General Wright left
this morning to take the field.
General Wallace leaves tonight to join him. A
large number of regiments are en route to Lexington.
A battle took place on Saturday
near Richmond, Kentucky, lasting from morning till four in the afternoon,
resulting in our troops being driven back with serious loss. No particulars are
General Nelson, wounded, arrived
Lexington has been evacuated, and
the State archives removed to Louisville. The entire male population of Kentucky
has been called to arms.
ATTACK ON FORT DONELSON.
Fort Donelson has been attacked
by the rebels, who were defeated. They numbered 450 infantry, 335 cavalry, and
two field-pieces, and were commanded by Colonel Woodward. The fort was gallantly
defended by Major Hart, with four companies of the Seventy-first Ohio Regiment.
THE COMMAND IN VIRGINIA.
The question of the command of
the armies operating in Virginia is definitely settled by an official bulletin.
General Burnside commands his own corps, except those which have been
temporarily detached and assigned to General Pope. General McClellan commands
that portion of the Army of the Potomac which has not been sent forward to
General Pope's command. General Pope commands the Army of Virginia, and all the
forces temporarily attached to it, and General Halleck commands the whole.
REBEL PRISONERS ARRIVING.
About a thousand rebel prisoners
reached Washington on 31st from the great battle-field, representing, the
correspondents say, nearly all the rebel States.
REBEL STEAMER SEIZED.
Commander Davis telegraphs to the
Secretary of the Navy, from Helena, Arkansas, that a naval and military
expedition down the river succeeded in capturing a rebel steamer, loaded with
Enfield rifles and ammunition; burned a railroad depot and telegraph station,
thus cutting off all communication between Vicksburg and Little Rock; and then,
entering the Yazoo River, destroyed a rebel battery and broke up several camps
of the enemy.
A special order from the rebel
War Department declares Generals Hunter and Phelps outlaws, who, if captured,
will meet the death of felons.
EVACUATION OF BATON ROUGE.
Our forces are preparing to
evacuate Baton Rouge, and to establish the State Government at New Orleans,
under Governor Shepley. Enthusiastic Union meetings have taken place in the
EARL RUSSELL TO THE HON. WILLIAM
FOREIGN OFFICE, LONDON, July 28,
SIR,—I have left hitherto
unanswered and unnoticed the dispatch of
Mr. Seward, which Mr. Adams delivered more than
a month ago. I have done so partly because the military events referred to in it
were, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, far from being decisive, and
partly because there was no proposal in it upon which her Majesty's Government
were called upon to come to any conclusion.
Events subsequent to the date of
Mr. Seward's letter have shown that her Majesty's Government, in their opinion
upon the first of these points, were not mistaken.
Victories have been gained and
reverses have followed; positions have been reached in the near neighborhood of
the capital of the Confederates, and these positions have been again abandoned.
These events have been
accompanied by great loss of life in battle and in the hospitsl, while such
measures as the Confiscation bill have passed through both Houses of Congress,
and, with the proclamation of
General Butler at
New Orleans, bear evidence of the increasing
bitterness of the strife.
The approach of a servile war, so
much insisted upon by Mr. Seward in his dispatch, only forewarns us that another
element of destruction may be added to the loss of property and waste of
industry which already afflict a country so lately prosperous and tranquil.
Nor, on the other point I have
adverted to, have I any thing new to say. From the moment that intelligence fiat
reached this country that nine States and several millions of inhabitants of the
great American Union had seceded, and had made war on the Government of
President Lincoln, down to the present time,
her Majesty's Government have pursued a friendly, open, and consistent course.
They have been neutral between the two parties to a civil war.
Neither the loss of raw materiel
of manufacture, so necessary to a great portion of our people, nor insults
constantly heaped upon the British name in speeches and newspapers; nor a rigor,
beyond the usual practice of nations, with which the Queen's subjects,
attempting to break loose from the blockade of the Southern ports, have been
treated, have induced her Majesty's government to swerve an inch from an
At this moment they have nothing
more at heart than to see that consumation which the President speaks of in his
answer to the Governors of eighteen States—namely, "the bringing of this
unnecessary and injurious civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion.
As to the course of opinion in
this country, the President is aware that perfect freedom to comment upon all
public events is, in this country, the invariable practice sanctioned by law and
approved by the universal sense of the nation. I am, etc., RUSSEL.
GARIBALDI AT WORK.
At latest dates Garibaldi was
still moving in the path of revolution. He had made a descent on Catania, in
Sicily, in opposition to the wishes of the Italian Government. The subject
having been brought up in the Senate, the Prime Minister of Italy said they
considered Garibaldi "in rebellion," and that his operations would be checked by
the King's troops and navy. Napoleon had expressdd his disapproval of the acts
of this "liberator," but hinted that Victor Emanuel encourages him.