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Page) Here every body agrees that she is quite beautiful. In the
absence of his Imperial Highness the beautiful
Clotilde occupies her time in visiting the points and places of
interest in and about the city. The Princess, being as good as she is beautiful,
devoutly attends Mass at the Chapel in Twenty-eighth Street each morning—thus in
some sort atoning for the rebellion of her father against the Holy Father.
GIVE us action—speech no longer;
Cheer no fellows to the fray ;
Words are well, but deeds are stronger—Out yourselves and lead the way.
Should each man but urge his neighbor:
Go ye forth and reap the plain"—Holding back himself from labor
Where would be the ripened grain ?
When goes up the roar of battle Stoutest voices are but weak:
Not of cause and duty prattle—Let your silent service speak.
Have you wives ?—do soft eyes, pleading, Hold you with their gentle spell?
Other hearts are torn and bleeding, Other men have homes as well.
Urge them not the smoking altar With such gifts as these to strew, If you feel
your bosom falter
When the gods appeal to you.
Point not out a path to others Which your feet refuse to tread;
Follow with your earnest brothers, Though it lead among the dead.
Even now the forest arches
With the tramp of men are rife ; Join your brothers on their marches, Join them
in the surging strife.
Whether drummer-boy or colonel
Matters not be duty done; Battling for a truth eternal,
All are equal—ranks are one.
Should you win a brave dismission
From your country's holy wars, Yours shall be a high commission,
Bearing date among the stars!
But bring deeds, not mouthings merely, Urging others to the fray ;
YYou that see the path so clearly, Yours the feet should lead the way !
SATURDAY, AUGUST 24, 1861.
THE PROGRESS OF THE WEEK.
THE national cause has made progress during the week. Kentucky has gone for the
Union by a majority exceeding 60,000; and, this time, there is no doubt about
the quality of the Unionism. John J. Crittenden and other Union leaders have
plainly said that they are in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war. This
is a sort of Unionism that needs no explanation and leaves no loophole for
treachery : it finds practical expression in the daily increasing volunteer
force which is being assembled near
Louisville. Kentucky, we think we may now
say, is not only safe, but is sure to contribute a fair share of soldiers to the
Union army. She could not afford to do less.
In Missouri, too, the cause is stronger than it was a week ago.
General Lyon has defeated
Ben McCulloch :
General Pope is setting the northern counties
in order ; and Major-General
Fremont is working with such energy in the organization of the army
of the Mississippi, that all danger of an attack upon
Cairo is past, and the promised descent upon
Western Tennessee can not be far distant. A camp of instruction for 30,000 men
is being established near St. Louis, and another, with an equal force, at
Springfield, Illinois. Money has gone forward to pay the Missouri volunteers.
No actual progress has been made in Virginia, but the enemy has not attempted to
cross the Potomac. A week ago this was highly probable ; and even now, if
Beauregard were the general he is painted, he
would not suffer the
Bull Run victory to remain fruitless. But
General McClellan has taken such precautions
that no attack on our intrenchments in the vicinity of
Washington seems to be apprehended ; and
between Georgetown and
Harper's Ferry a strong force with heavy
General Banks and General McCall, guard every
ford. It is understood that the rebels are fortifying Matthias Point, with a
view to close the navigation of the Lower Potomac: this will probably
necessitate an attack on the place, and the capture of the works of the
insurgents. Nothing is allowed to transpire with regard to our force at
Washington ; it is probably not less than 75,000 men, all of whom, under the
McClellan regime, are daily improving in discipline and military condition. No
attack has been made upon Fortress
Newport News ; but Colonel Magruder has
the Virginian town of Hampton, and rendered hundreds of Virginian families
The Maryland Legislature has adjourned without passing an ordinance of
secession, or making any approach thereto. Senator Breckinridge attempted last
week to rouse the secessionists of Baltimore to acts of violence by an
inflammatory speech; but the Union men of the city hooted him down. We presume
that contempt for his fallen condition alone prevented Major-General Dix from
arresting this Breckinridge for attempting to provoke a treasonable breach of
Recruiting progresses steadily. The Western States are pouring out men, a large
proportion of the three months' volunteers—among others, Colonel Wallace's
Eleventh Indiana Regiment —having taken the oath for the war. In New York
city—though the bulk of the three months' volunteers are still holding back,
principally because every one wants to be an officer—some 17,000 of the 25,000
men called for by the Governor are already enrolled. New York will undoubtedly
have 60,000 men in the field by the fall, and other Northern States will do as
SLAVERY AND THE WAR.
THE London Times and other European papers assure us that we would have the
hearty sympathy of Europe if we proclaimed emancipation to the slaves. The
Toronto Globe and other Canadian journals, in like manner, are severe upon the
Government for not making an end of slavery at once.
It is a good deal easier to talk about emancipation than to effect it. In the
first place, neither Congress nor the Administration has any more power to free
the slaves in Virginia than to confiscate cattle in New England. The control of
the institution of slavery is by the Constitution reserved to the States in
which it exists, and so late as last March Congress almost unanimously declared
that it had no authority to interfere with it in any State.
In the second place, four of the fifteen slave States — Delaware, Maryland,
Kentucky, and Missouri—must be classed as loyal. The contest, therefore, though
primarily growing out of the institution of slavery, is not a struggle between
free States and slave States, or between abolition and
slavery. For the sake of Kentucky and Missouri,
it would be impolitic, if it were Constitutional, for the Government to convert
the war into a war of emancipation.
Again, the theory of the Government—which rests upon substantial evidence—is
that the rebellion is the work of a part only of the Southern people, and that
many of them—if not an absolute majority—are loyal in their hearts, and are now
silenced by the armed despotism of
Jeff Davis. There is good reason to believe
that this theory is sound with regard to every State except perhaps South
Carolina. Now a decree of emancipation—even if it were Constitutional and
otherwise politic—would fall with equal severity upon loyal and disloyal
citizens in the insurgent region, and would effectually prevent the former from
rising to aid the Government in overthrowing the rebel despotism, as they have
done in Western Virginia and Missouri, and as it is confidently anticipated they
will do in due time in every Southern State.
Finally, as has been well observed by leading statesmen, the hour of battle is
not the time for the emancipation of four millions of slaves. The abolition of
negro slavery in the
Southern States will be a work of such
magnitude and such difficulty, that to accomplish it safely will task the skill
and energy of the dominant race to the utmost. It were undoubtedly better that
slavery should be maintained forever than that it should disappear amidst the
horrors of servile wars and wholesale massacres. It is not desirable, in any
point of view, that the relation of master and slave should end before some
stringent provision has been made for the prevention of vagrancy among the
emancipated laborers, and for the protection of the late owners. And though the
present rebellion has not strengthened the regard of loyal men for the rebels,
still the claim of the latter to indemnity, in the event of emancipation, can
not honorably be overlooked. These are considerations which can not be weighed
amidst the clash of arms, and hence Congress postponed the whole subject for the
present. We can not but think that it did well.
That negro slavery will come out of this war unscathed is impossible. The mere
escape of slaves will weaken the institution irrecoverably in the States where
the war is waged : for Government must obviously act upon the principles of
General Butler's letter. Nor will it ever be forgotten that slavery was the root
of the rebellion. It may be taken for granted that the national territories are
forever sealed against the institution ; and it needs but little foresight to
perceive that, within a year, emancipation will be in progress in Maryland and
the District of Columbia. Whether our Generals will use their right of
emancipating slaves under proclamations of martial law ; to what extent the
confiscating Act of Congress may be applied to slaves ; and what other accidents
the institution in the course of the war—no one, of course, can guess. But we
think that, on reflection, people in England and in Canada will perceive that
Mr. Lincoln nor Congress could, at this stage
in the affair, have pursued the course they recommend.
AN INSIDE VIEW OF ENGLISH FEELING. THE private letter from which the following
extracts are taken, is from an English writer well and widely known in this
country. They are peculiarly interesting as a statement of English popular
feeling, and also of the great ignorance of the intelligent English in regard to
this country and its system of government. The writer lives in Manchester, and
the letter is dated July 24:
" * * * I think our feeling, as far as I can judge of it, in
England has been one of extreme bewilderment. At first every one here was
surprised at the secession being taken so quietly. I was in London in March, and
saw a good deal of the old set of politicians who haunt Lansdowne House, people
of the old statesman-like habits of thinking ; not the highest, perhaps, but
what people here call the ' old Whig party,' and as such favorable to America.
They were utterly puzzled by the calmness with which you Americans then appeared
to take the secession or rebellion. Mr. Fright, as you know, held your peaceable
endurance of one State after another declaring their secession up in the House
of Commons as a model to our imitation, and as a proof of the admirableness of
your Constitution. Then came the news of the attack on and
capture of Fort Sumter without any one being
killed; so the whole affair, instead of appearing to us as it did to you, a
serious attack on your national flag, appeared to be a piece of bluster on the
part of the Southern States, hardly as a serious affair ; so that we were
literally bewildered by the effect it produced in America—an effect which no one
would have wondered at if it had occurred three months before, at the first
secession of South Carolina.
"Just at this time, or very soon after it, many stanch anti-slavery people in
England were sadly daunted in their sympathies by an account * * *
of the way in which fugitive slaves were being sent back by the
Northern free States to their masters, if those masters lived in the slave
States that had not seceded. This, which has since been confirmed * * *, has, to
a certain degree in England, taken off the character of the war being an
anti-slavery war. But at the same time I never heard one word, I, living in the
centre of a cotton-consuming population, in favor of the South. They were always
spoken of as shameless, villainous traitors, even by those who, not exactly
understanding your Constitution, did not consider them as rebels, imagining that
they had a right to secede, but. that their treacherous, abominable deceit, in
preparing so long and with such deeply infamous plotting to recede, deserved all
possible reprobation by honest men. At the same time, it was not seen what
beyond punishing the South could be gained by the North in, war. If the South
chose to rebel, it seemed as though it were like an honest, upright firm getting
rid of an utterly unprincipled partner, and that they would even sacrifice some
property in order to get rid of one who could only bring them discredit and do
them injury by associating with them.
" Still, as I say, these opinions were the most unfavorable to the North and to
the war I ever heard in Manchester, the very centre of the cotton trade : and
many were most warmly in favor of the North taking up arms to punish the rebels,
and heartily wished it success. And there was no talk of any thing but hoping
but that any English vessel trying to break the blockade would be thoroughly
punished by you. I confess people spoke as if they did not see the end of it ;
how, if you conquered the South, you were to hold the rebel States in unwilling
union with the North, except by holding possession of them by a standing army. *
* * For the reasons above it was not regarded as an anti-slavery movement
exclusively or intentionally, although it was thought that slavery would receive
a great blow.
"In all this feeling and state of opinion there might be great
and unjustifiable ignorance of the real state of affairs shown by the English ;
but, excepting from Mr. Motley's letters in the Times, it seemed almost
impossible to learn any thing of the real original Constitution of the Union,
whether it allowed the right of secession or not—why the North had taken all
(that was enraging us) so passively at the time-and why, at last, when our
indignation at the treachery of the South had faded away, the North suddenly
boiled over. As I said in the beginning, our state of opinion was simply
bewilderment : our state of feeling respectful sympathy with the North, till Mr.
Clay's speech: and even now America is our deepest interest.
&" * * * What did you want us to do? * * * We are like some one seeing a quarrel
between two parties, the cause of which he is not fully up to, but which he is
trying to understand, while all his sympathies are with one party who has, he
thinks, been deceived and ill-used, and suddenly this party turns round and
attacks him, stupid, perhaps, but well-meaning fellow. I can hardly tell you how
surprised every body was by Mr. Clay's speech. From the people holding the most
old-fashioned Tory opinions I only heard regret at the secession indignation
with the South. That was in March, but people had been made very angry indeed at
Mr. Clay's threats; and this feeling is only just dying away, and they are again
returning to their old feeling of deep interest and sympathy. Read Mr. Ludlow's
paper in Macmillan for June—that expresses as fully as any thing I know what I
hear; and I certainly mix very widely and largely with thinking people on all
sides. Russell's letters to the Times are looked upon as merely panoramic
THE TWO PARTIES,
WHEN men are in arms against each other, they must either try by
fighting which party shall have its way, or, without fighting, one party must
agree that the other shall prevail. In other words, with or without fighting,
one party must surrender.
That is precisely the case in this country. The rebels are in
arms to overthrow the Government. The Government is armed to defend itself.
Suppose the Government asks the rebels on what terms they will lay down their
arms. Suppose the rebels say upon condition that every State may go out of the
Union whenever it wishes. Suppose the Government replies, "Very well; have it
so." Then what ? Then the Constitution is abrogated, and the Government
destroyed. It is a simple surrender without fighting. But suppose the Government
laughs, and says, " What you demand is the recognition of the right of any
political party lawfully defeated at an election to take up arms and overthrow
the Government. It is a simply silly proposition." Why, then there wouldn't be
any surrender, but the difference would be settled by fighting, and if the
Government prevailed it would ever afterward be a thousand times as strong.
In view of these very evident facts, the General Democratic
Committee have made a blunder. At this moment there are and can be but two
parties in this country. One of them holds to maintaining the Government at
every cost, and without parley with rebels until they lay down their arms ; and,
when that is done, proceeding in good faith to the constitutional remedy of
every grievance that shall be shown to exist. The other party holds to a
forcible resistance to the Government as a redress of asserted wrongs, and to a
palliation and justification of that resistance.
There can be but those two parties. When the Government itself is
in danger party names, which describe political policies under the Government,
have no meaning. Every man in the Northern States is in favor of an energetic,
comprehensive, overwhelming force to subdue rebellion ; or he favors a
hesitating, doubtful management, which only makes the rebellion successful.
When, therefore, the Democratic Committee say that " the war can
only be safely prosecuted by a more rigorous command," etc., and then add, in
the same paragraph, that it is "the duty of the Federal Government to hold out
terms of peace and accommodation to the dissevered States, assuring them of all
their rights under the Constitution," etc., they merely aid and comfort the
rebellion by implying that there can be, or ought to be, any other terms held
out than implicit obedience to the laws of the land, and by the farther
implication that some of the rights of some citizens of the United States under
the Constitution are in danger.
They have made the old blunder of trying to blow hot and cold in
the same breath. The late party lines in this country are obliterated. A
struggle so vital and radical as this, necessarily disposes of the party issues
which indirectly occasion it, and the Republican Convention which meets on the
14th of September, if it is wise, will simply propose an unfaltering faith in
the Constitution and its adequacy for every emergency, and a determination to
maintain it at every cost and in perfect reliance upon the fidelity of the
people to the Government whatever their previous political bias ; and as an
earnest of this faith it will nominate a ticket composed of men who have
belonged to different parties hitherto, but who are devoted with an equal ardor
to the unconditional preservation of the Constitution and Government of the
United States-and that ticket will be elected by such a majority as the Empire
State has never known.
TRAITORS UPON TREASON.
JOHN BROWN was hung for treason in forcibly resisting the laws
and officers of the United States. The affair was made the subject of inquiry by
the Senate in the winter of 1859-'60, when the present colossal treason was
plotting by Senators and members of the Cabinet. The worthy Floyd was sending
the national arms into the disaffected section, to be used against the United
States. Toucey was sending the national ships to the other side of the globe.
Cobb was depleting the Treasury and destroying public confidence. Thompson was
using all the power of the Government at his official command to sap the
foundations of the Government. In the Senate " that very remarkable traitor," as
his brother-in-law calls him,
James M. Mason, known solely as the author of the
Fugitive Slave Bill and as a Senator false to his oath, and Jefferson Davis and
the other men known in our history as Catiline and Cethegus are in that of Rome,
were waiting the favorable moment to strike at the heart of the nation.
In such a Senate, under such a Cabinet, a Committee of five was appointed to
inquire into the facts of the Harper's Ferry raid. Who composed that Committee?
There were two members taken from the then opposition, and the three others, the
majority, were James M. Mason, Chairman;
Jefferson Davis, and G. N. Fitch of
Indiana. Can there be a more ridiculous farce conceived than the spectacle of
these men inquiring with horror into the details of the hopeless plan of a
mistaken but honest old man, and endeavoring to fasten the odium of direct or
indirect complicity upon their fellow Senators ? Is there a man now so dull that
he does not see how, under the guise of patriotic indignation against a traitor,
they were more sedulously elaborating their own stupendous treason, using all
the excitement of the time to persuade the men of their section that John Brown
had only started a little too soon, and had so betrayed the intention of the
whole North ?
Yes, there is one thing more ridiculous, and that is the remark
of the worthy Floyd when he was summoned to give his testimony. Imagine John B.
Floyd a year ago last winter appearing as a witness in a case of treason before
Jefferson Davis and James M. Mason, and gravely saying : "I was satisfied in my
own mind that a scheme of such wickedness (Next