Martial Law Declared in Kentucky


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Civil War Harper's Weekly, August 15, 1863

This site features the Harper's Weekly newspapers published during the Civil War. The material allows you to examine details of the War not available from modern publications. These newspapers will take you back in time to the days the war was still raging on.

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John Morgan's Raid

Morgan's Raid

Colored Soldiers

Treatment of Colored Soldiers

Martial Law

Martial Law

Seabrook Island

Seabrook Island

Siege of Charleston

Jackson Mississippi

Jackson Mississippi

Colonel Shaw

Colonel Robert Shaw

Capture of Jackson

Capture of Jackson Mississippi

Attack on Charleston

Maryland Campaign

Maryland Campaign

Remington Revolver Cartoon






AUGUST 15, 1863.]



(Previous Page) answer must be made. After due delay, if the Government should find that the natural suspicion of foul play is correct, then if its retaliation is not swift, sure, and deadly, if the rebels are not taught, as by fire that every man who fights beneath the national flag is equally protected by the people whose sovereignty that flag symbolizes, we are simply unworthy of success.


THE incessant rebuffs which the rebels administer to their allies at the North do not disconcert that amiable body. The truth is that they are used to it. In the good old days when the present Southern traitors ruled the Government they snubbed imperiously their followers from the free States, and now that they are trying to ruin it, by the mere force of habit they kick contemptuously their henchmen of the North.

Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire — a name which is even wore infamous in our history than that of James Buchanan, a man who was selected by the present traitors before the consummation of their treason, as the most servile of all their tools in the free States, and therefore the most serviceable, and who steadfastly did their dirtiest work without making a single wry face as Buchanan did—desecrated the late Fourth of July by making a speech in which he abused the Administration and all loyal citizens, excused and justified the rebellion, and threatened a counter-revolution. Of course he said that his heart's desire was Union with the dominance of slavery, and talked of reconstruction by pacific methods.

But his quondam masters are appalled at the impudence of their Helot. "What! when we have declared our will to secede and form an independent government, and, in general, to have our own way as usual, do you pretend to contest our decision and talk of reunion and reconstruction? Know your place, fellow! Didn't we tell Vallandigham that we would trade with him, holding our noses? Well, we tell you that we would sooner be chained to a corpse than again enter the Union with you and the rest of the rubbish that we used as long as we found it serviceable, but which we always as heartily despised as we do at this moment. Crawl out of our sight, and let us hear no more Union canting from you!"

But the patient crew take the snubbing and the sneering philosophically. They believe that by-and-by even rebels will make the best terms they can. They can not persuade themselves that the rebellion is other than a political trick. "Come back, brethren," they cry, "and have your way as you always did, and always shall, and always ought to. Come back, and see in what a still fouler slime of obsequiousness we can wallow. Just try us. And we will wait until you are ready, as is our duty."

The door mat cries to the passenger to come in out of the mud. But he pushes on unheeding. The faithful mat does not despair. When the mud is deeper, it says to itself, he will be obliged to come in, and then he will wipe his boots on me, and I shall be happy.


AFTER maligning the Administration and sneering at every measure adopted to suppress the rebellion—after declaring that Mr. Lincoln is as much a traitor to his country and the Constitution as Jeff Davis—after doing their utmost to destroy public confidence in the honest and patriotic conduct of the war—after espousing with fierce ardor the cause of every rebel sympathizer and abettor in the North—after declaring that there is more respect for personal rights under the sway of the rebellion than under the Government of the United States—after denouncing the war as wicked and fratricidal, and frankly declaring that they are striving to restore a party, assuming to be the Democratic party, to power—after doing all that Davis himself would have done, and exactly in the way that he would direct, the Copperheads turn upon loyal citizens of the United States and with an air of injured dignity demand to know whether there is any question about their loyalty.

None at all. No man at the North or South has any doubt upon the subject. "Virtue, Sir," cried a woman of the town to a gentleman who had made some remarks in her hearing, "do you mean to insinuate that there is the least doubt of my virtue?"

"Not the least, Madame," was his satisfactory reply.


BY way of exposing the grinding and hopeless nature of the "Lincoln Despotism" our Copperhead friends are fond of extolling the superior freedom of the rebel society. It seems at first sight a little strange that people who in profound peace never hesitated to destroy every vestige of the Constitutional right of free speech should in time of desperate war absolutely secure it. It is also singular, at the first blush, that a community in which street fights and amateur assassinations were familiar in quiet times should during war be so composed as to challenge the admiration of the victims of the "Despotism at Washington."

The amusing absurdity of this effort to help Jeff Davis and the gentry who have combined against this Government, is exposed by the book of Colonel Estvan, an ex-officer of the rebel army. "A fearful state of things now grew up in Richmond," he says. "Assassination and murder were the order of the day." "An imprudent word heard by one of the secret police agents, who were always spying about to get men into their clutches, was sufficient to bring the speaker before the Provost Marshal and from thence to prison." "Many an honest citizen in this fearful time offered up a heart-felt prayer to Heaven, 'Preserve me, O Lord, from my friends, for I have no fear of the enemy.' "

Colonel Estvan, a rebel officer, had the advantage of seeing things as they were, and he tells us

how they were. Copperhead friends merely tell us not what is true, but what they would like to have us believe, in order that the rebellion may seem less tyrannical and revolting than it is.


THE key of the present political situation is the fear of certain partisan leaders lest the Union should not be restored until slavery is practically abolished. They are therefore for dulcet words and velvet measures, in order that the rebels may lay down their arms in a gush of fraternal emotion, and that they may count upon the united vote of the rebel States for them and their measures. Shorn of their Southern alliance, and deserted by the patriotic in their Northern ranks, how could these leaders hope to succeed before the people? They insist, therefore, for it is their only salvation, that the President shall invite the rebel States to return to their duty; and they further insist that the Government, in other words, the loyal people of the United States, can offer no terms other than the Constitution and the laws. We have recently seen this statement, almost in the same words, in several papers which are very anxious that the Union shall be saved, provided that slavery is saved also.

They may be very tranquil. The Government of the United States will offer the Constitution and all laws made in pursuance of it to every rebel in the land. And the rebel and the rebel's friends should endeavor to remember that as the war was constitutionally waged to subdue rebellion, so every measure which the exigency of war demanded was not less constitutional, the Government being constitutionally and of necessity the judge of the exigency, and that, in the course of the war and under the Constitution, slavery has been abolished in most of the States. The Constitution and the laws in pursuance of it, which are offered to the rebels, therefore, include the act of emancipation as much as they include the three-fifths representation or the revenue law.

Thus when the friends of the rebels say that nothing can be offered as terms but the Constitution, they are correct if they remember two things—first, that all acts in pursuance of the Constitution are part of the supreme law, to be reversed only as all laws are; and, secondly, that the loyal people of the United States, owning the whole territorial domain of the country, will secure their future peace and the safety of their Government by such measures as they choose. The Government which they will not have allowed a fierce rebellion to overthrow they are not very likely to suffer a political juggle to undermine. General Pemberton and his thirty thousand men late of Vicksburg, and General Gardner and six thousand, late of Port Hudson, for instance, are not very likely to be admitted by a nation in its senses to an equal vote with loyal citizens until those gentlemen have given some proof that they are not as much the enemies of the Government to-day as they were yesterday.

The value of a mere oath they have already taught us. Lee was a cavalry Colonel in our service; Joe Johnston was Quarter-master-General; Sidney Johnston was also a Colonel. If any honorable obligation could bind them, it might be supposed that the flag of their country was its symbol. We have been appallingly undeceived. Could there be any more stringent oath than that of Davis, Slidell, and Mason, sworn legislators, Heaven save the mark! of this country? Have they not taught us the value of that oath? Would Floyd's promise to-morrow to be a faithful citizen be more sacred than his oath before God to the Government six years ago? Judicious Copperheads will see that Toombs has given us no reason to suppose that he will be a good boy because he says so. He may insist that he loves his Uncle Samuel very much. But, under the circumstances, his uncle is too sensible a man not to ask, as when the preacher asks how many dollars we pity the poor, "Robert, how much do you love me?"


THE rebels on Morris Island complain that they had to fight colored soldiers. These whippers of women and breeders of babies for market, who call themselves "gentlemen," think themselves dishonored by fighting with honest men who earn their own living and who do not sell their children. Of course the Government of the United States will not hesitate to recall all its colored soldiers. Of course it is strictly unconstitutional to shoot rebels with rifles held by any other than lily-white hands. Of course "Conservatism" will have to move in the matter, and protest that our erring brethren, the "gentlemen" of South Carolina or of Texas and Arkansas, shall not be so sadly annoyed. An ounce of civet, good apothecary! These preux chevaliers do not find it distasteful to beget mulatto children, but to be exposed to a musket in the hands of a colored man, 'tis positively shocking to their delicate nerves.


WE have before mentioned this noble story while it was serially appearing in Harper's Magazine. It is now issued in a volume, and every reader of "Adam Bede" and "The Mill on the Floss" will be surprised by the new power developed by the author. To call "Romola" the finest historical novel yet written may seem a rather vague and general praise; but the reason why we should hesitate to do so is not that we have any doubt of it, but that to praise it merely as a historical novel seems to undervalue its remarkable creative power. Tito Melema and Romola, the hero and heroine, are drawn with so subtle and earnest a hand, and the coloring of the whole book is so gorgeous and sombre, that it is a spell from which the imagination is not easily released. Every page is a witness of the faithful study and careful thought with which the work has been prepared; and the claims of Miss Evans to the first rank among English novelists are now established beyond question.


THE following Major-Generals are without commands:

   1. Major-General GEORGE B. McCLELLAN.

   2. Major-General JOHN C. FREMONT.

   3. Major-General BENJAMIN F. BUTLER.

   4. Major-General JOSEPH HOOKER.

   5. Major-General DAVID HUNTER.

   6. Major-General DON CARLOS BUELL.

   7. Major-General IRWIN McDOWELL.

   8. Major-General JOHN A. McCLERNAND.

   9. Major-General SAMUEL B. CURTIS.

   10. Major-General GEORGE W. MORELL.

   11. Major-General R. H. MILROY.

The Rev. Colonel THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, of Worcester, the pioneer commander of a negro regiment in this war, reached that city on a brief furlough on 20th ult.

A picnic and ball were given on Saturday last by Colonel SIR PERCY WYDHAM and staff, at the cavalry head-quarters at Washington. Invitations were accepted by most of the prominent officials, civil and military. It was an elegant entertainment.

The United States gun-boat Mahaska left this port on 31st ult. for the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron. She is commanded by Captain CRAYTON, U. S. N.

Brigadier-General DUFFIE has been assigned to the Department of the West. He will at once proceed to Ohio, and take command of all the cavalry in that Department. Captain E. O. BURLING, of Brooklyn, and Captain R. E. HADDEN, of Ohio, accompany him—the former as Assistant Adjutant-General, and the latter as Aid-de-Camp.

Captain DAHLGREN, formerly of General HOOKER'S Staff, who was wounded at Hagerstown, has had his foot amputated, and was on 30th ult. very low. He has since improved somewhat.

General HOOKER was making calls in Washington on 30th ult. He is said to be about to take a command.

General STONEMAN will be Chief of the Cavalry Bureau about to be organized in the War Department. His appointment insures thorough organization and the future efficiency of the cavalry service.

Brigadier-General GRIFFIN, who has commanded the First Division of the Fifth Army Corps for several months past, has resigned for some cause not stated. As Captain of the battery which bears his name, General GRIFFIN did excellent service in the first battle of Bull Run, but he was not appointed Brigadier-General until just before the battle of Mechanicsville, on the Peninsula. He assumed the command which he has just resigned a short time before the first battle of Fredericksburg.

Adjutant-General L. THOMAS has been relieved from duty on the Army-Retiring Board in New York, and Inspector-General D. B. SACKETT detailed in his stead.

Commander HENRY A. WISE has been appointed by the President Chief of the Bureau of Ordnance in the Navy Department ad interim.

Adjutant-General Thomas has left for the West, to organize more negro regiments. He will proceed directly to Memphis, and from that point to New Orleans, organizing regiments all along the River. He will be gone three or four mouths, and has the same full powers as before. Mr. J. A. WARE, late editor of the Chronicle, accompanies him as Private Secretary.

In the list of dismissals from the military service for the week ending Saturday last, as officially announced, are the following:

Major GRANVILLE O. HALLER, Seventh United States infantry, for disloyal conduct and the utterance of disloyal sentiments.

Captain H. P. MURRELL, Eleventh New York heavy artillery, for repeated utterances of treasonable and disloyal sentiments.

Captain WILLIAM H. BURKE, Nineteenth Ohio Volunteers, for treasonable language and disloyalty.

Lieutenant M. B. DE SILVA, Sixteenth Ohio Volunteers, for writing and publishing a highly disloyal and unbecoming letter.

Captain GEORGE F. EMMONS has been detached from the command of the Monongahela and ordered as fleet captain of the South Atlantic blockading squadron.

Commander J. H. STRONG has been ordered to the command of the Monongahela.

The iron-clad Onondaga was launched from ROWLAND'S ship-yard, Greenpoint, on Wednesday morning. A large number of ladies and gentlemen were present to witness the ceremony. In the displacement of the blocks JAMES CONWELL and WM. HOGAN were jammed between the ways and seriously injured; two other workmen were slightly injured. Excepting these accidents the launch was all that could be desired.

Lieutenant-Colonel FRANCIS O. WYSE, Fourth United States Artillery, has resigned, and his resignation has been accepted.

Lieutenant-Colonel JAMES A. HARDIE has been appointed Assistant Adjutant-General, in place of Brigadier-General Canby, ordered to New York.

The United States gun-boat Memphis sailed front Hampton Roads on the 29th, for Charleston.

The United States steam-sloop Ossipee captured on the 20th of July the James Battle and Wm. Bagley, loaded with cotton, blockade-runners, from Mobile. The United States steamer Sciota, off the coast of Texas, on the 7th ult. chased two small vessels, both of which ran ashore and were burned by our men, there being no means of saving them. Their cargoes consisted of cotton.

It is understood that the Court-martial of which Major-General HITCHCOOK was President, in the case of HAZELL B. CASHELL, charged with furnishing information to the enemy, returned a verdict of "Not Guilty." As the finding of the court was not considered to be in accordance with the testimony and facts, the War Department issued an order dissolving the court and severely censuring its members.

A grand artillery review of the different batteries stationed at Camp Barry, under command of Lieut.-Colonel MONROE, took place last week, on the parade-ground north of the Capitol. Generals HEINTZELMAN and BARRY, Chief of Artillery, with their staffs, were present. Every thing passed off satisfactorily, with the exception of an accident by which two men were thrown off a caisson and seriously injured.

Captain FRANK A. GUTHRIE, Co. E, Third Pennsylvania, has been cashiered for cowardice.

A large concourse of citizens and soldiers on Saturday united in paying the last tribute of respect to the remains of the late Brigadier-General GEORGE C. STRONG, who died from wounds received in the assault upon Fort Wagner, Charleston Harbor, on the 18th ult. The funeral took place from St. Paul's Methodist Church, Fourth Avenue, the Rev. Dr. DURBIN delivering an eloquent address upon the life and character of the deceased. A large procession followed the body to Greenwood Cemetery, where the remains of the gallant soldier were interred with military honors.

Lieutenant ROBERT STUART, Second New York cavalry, was accidentally drowned on 30th ult., while officer of the day of the Second cavalry brigade, of General GREGG'S division. He was a very fine officer, and much beloved by all his brother officers. He was from Roslyn, Long Island, and a brother of Hon. DAVID STUART, of Illinois, formerly a member of Congress from Michigan and now a Colonel commanding a brigade with General GRANT. Captain DOWNING, of his company, left on 31st with his body, which was embalmed by BROWN & ALEXANDER, of Washington, and forwarded to New York. He will be buried in Detroit.

Captain H. A. WISE, Chief of the Ordnance Bureau, Navy Department, has left Washington for the North, to procure guns and ammunition to complete the siege of Charleston.

THEODORE E. ALLEN, of Philadelphia, has been appointed Assistant Commissary of Subsistence, with the rank of Captain, and assigned to duty at General MEADE'S head-

quarters. His predecessor, Captain COXE, is made Assistant Chief Commissary of the Army of the Potomac, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel.

The official report of General GRANT'S operations at Vicksburg reached Washington last week. It is said to be one of the most interesting reports ever made to the head-quarters of the army.

Lieutenant MOREAU FORREST, United States Navy, has been detached from the Paul Jones, and appointed by Admiral DAHLGREN Flag-Lieutenant of the South Atlantic blockading squadron.

Acting-Master JOHN O. ORMOND has been dismissed from the navy.

Lieutenants NOLAN and WILSON, the former of the Sixth and the latter of the Fifth United States cavalry, were wounded in General BUFORD'S fight at Culpepper on Saturday.


RICHMOND papers have Charleston dispatches to the 31st ult. Cumming's Point was bombarded on the 30th for about five hours by the Ironsides and two Monitors. Batteries Gregg, Simpkins, Wagner, and Fort Sumter replied. Two men were killed and one wounded in Battery Gregg. On the next morning at daylight the rebels began to bombard the Union works on Morris Island; Fort Wagner kept up the fire until 2 o'clock. No report of casualties.


General Gilmore reports his loss in the action on Morris Island on the 101h, 11th, and 18th of July, at 635 killed and wounded. He estimates the missing at 350, making a total loss of 985.


Memphis dispatches of the 29th of July state that General Joe Johnston's army is said to be on Pearl River, a few miles west of Meridian, where fortifications are being erected. General Johnston will make the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, from Okolona on the north to Mobile on the south, his line of defense. He is said to have received large reinforcements from Bragg's army. Mississippi is virtually abandoned by the rebels. The removal of the slaves from Mississippi to Alabama and Georgia has been carried to such an extent that the Governors of those States have issued proclamations forbidding their further introduction, and General Johnston's pickets are said to have turned a large number back. All is quiet at Port Hudson and Vicksburg. The fortifications at the former place are being strengthened, and the enlistment of negro troops is progressing rapidly.


A reconnoissance made by General Buford with his cavalry command acres, the Rappahannock on Saturday, confirms the report of the concentration of Lee's forces near Culpepper. Our men crossed at the Railroad Station, and driving Stuart's cavalry before them, advanced to the vicinity of Culpepper, where a heavy rebel force was encountered. A fierce fight ensued, which lasted until dark, when General Buford withdrew to a strong position east of Brandy Station. The losses on both sides were considerable.


Disaffection with Davis and his Confederacy in North Carolina is growing rapidly. The Raleigh Standard denounces Davis as a repudiator in whom no confidence can be placed, and predicts the failure of his attempt to set up a government. The Richmond Inquirer, edited by that sweet specimen of an Irishman John Mitchell, clamors for the suppression of the Raleigh paper and of the North Carolina Supreme Court. The latter defies the Richmond power, and says that Governor Vance will stand by the Court and the paper also, and meet force with force. The Standard denounces the would-be niXXer-whipper Mitchell as an agent of Great Britain seeking to divide this country. North Carolina has furnished 95,000 men for the rebel armies, of whom 40,000 have been killed and wounded. The Raleigh editor says the State should send to Washington at once to learn what terms of reconciliation can be made.


The Government gives notice that the law of retaliation is to be fully carried out. Every case of ill-treatment of our officers or men, black or white, by the rebels, is to be retaliated in kind—hanging for hanging, shooting for shooting, imprisonment for imprisonment. If a black soldier is taken prisoner and sold into slavery, a rebel soldier will be confined at hard labor in some prison, there to remain until the black soldier shall be liberated.


General Burnside, having become satisfied that one object of the rebel incursion into that State is to overawe the Judges of Elections, and intimidate loyal voters—thus forcing the election of disloyal candidates, at the election to take place to-day—has declared the State under martial law. All military officers are commanded to aid the constituted authorities of the State in the support of the laws and the purity of suffrage, and the Election Judges will be held strictly responsible. The election appears to have been a great Union victory.


Richmond papers announce the death of Wm. L. Yancey, one of the first and fiercest leaders of secession. He was born in Columbia, South Carolina, in 1815, but made Alabama his home. In 1859 he urged the Legislature of Alabama to call a State Convention in case a Republican President should be elected. In 1860 he was a member of the Charleston Convention, and was among the earliest of the seceding delegates. Then he went in for Breckinridge, and came even to New York, where he spoke in favor of a coalition of all factions to beat Lincoln. In December he was a leading spirit in the Alabama Convention and reported the ordinance of secession. He was then sent as Commissioner of the Confederacy to Europe to plead for help, but returned in February, 1862, safely running the blockade, and took his seat as a Senator in the Confederate Congress.


THE House of Commons has had another important debate on the foreign Enlistment Act. Mr. Cobden implored the Government to put a stop to the fitting out of privateers, as the American Government would in due time demand an indemnification from England for every vessel which these privateers had destroyed or would destroy. Mr. Layard and Lord Palmerston defended the conduct of the English Government. Mr. Cobden did not obtain permission to read a letter from Secretary Welles, who, in reply to a statement of Mr. Laird's that he had received an offer in 1861 to build vessels for the Federals, denied that directly or indirectly any application had been made to Mr. Laird by his order, and that he had always declined the numerous applications of English and other foreign ship-builders.


Great preparations are being made for laying the Atlantic cable. Very advantageous conditions for manufacturing the cable have been offered to the Company by Glass, Elliott, & Co., who show the greatest confidence in the success of the enterprise.



A great irritation exists in England, France, and Austria against Russia, in consequence of the last Russian note, and the tone of the semi-official papers is very war-like. The negotiations between the three Western Powers are very active.




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