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Page) learned in this war we have
learned by being taken by the throat; but we have learned them one after the
It will be so in this case.
Looking at the matter plainly, as it stands to-day, there is obviously no reason
why any column of trained rebel troops, twenty thousand strong, should not move
directly upon Harrisburg and Philadelphia, or Baltimore. Certainly no man doubts
that a cavalry troop of five hundred, for instance, could enter New York from
the Pennsylvania line in the neighborhood of Elmira, make a swoop around as far
as the Canada line, and escape by a different route. What would the chance
companies of raw men hurried together be able to effect against a trained troop
of desperadoes? What could the regiments of Pennsylvania militia, totally unused
to military action, effect against one of Lee's army columns?
Thus, if the rebels burn
Harrisburg before these words are printed, the shame will be, not that the city
is burned, but that it could be burned. In other words, that Pennsylvania has
felt so little the need of a warlike basis of society during a civil war, that
she has lain at the mercy of any daring guerrilla. From the stinging nettle let
us pluck the flower. Let us understand that we can not cope with a military
nation upon our own soil but by becoming ourselves a military nation. Every man
should be a soldier; habituated to arms; regularly drilled; subject to sudden
calls, and arranging his affairs with that chance in view. Then the approach of
the rebel horde would make the border of every loyal State bristle with skillful
But, if we are unwilling to do
this, we are unwilling to carry on the war; and we shall learn that, to avoid
the war we have, we have engaged in worse wars. For the present alternative is
not war or peace. It is this war, in which, at least, by a little effort, we are
spared the ravage of our own homes, or a war in every State, county, and town
—an open, bloody war of neighbors and kindred.
A FEW weeks ago we all said,
Port Hudson, the rebellion is mainly
conquered." We do not say so to-day. In fact, when it appears that
pushing out of Virginia northward and Banks assaults Port Hudson with a bloody
repulse, and Vicksburg still holds out, there are those who cry with a impatient
despair, "Well, we can't do it!"
Can't do what? If you are
fighting for your life what do you mean when you say that you can't do it?
Simply that you can't help being murdered. So if we can not subdue the rebels it
is because they can conquer us; and do we fully comprehend what that means?
Disunion, separation, humiliation, private and public ruin, are not all it
means. It means war in every town of the land except in the victorious slave
States. It means the overthrow of every principle of popular government. It
means anarchy in every State; finally mastered by a military despotism and the
establishment of the most inhuman system of society that ever disgraced the
annals of mankind.
If, in so solemn and perilous a
crisis, men are apathetic, it is because they do not in the least conceive the
consequences of apathy. It is because they think that the war ought to stop upon
any terms, forgetting that it can stop upon no other terms than such as make
peace unproductive of all results for which it is desired.
IT is amusing to remark the
righteous indignation of Copperhead patriots at the excursions of Montgomery at
the South, and their profound silence over the ravages of the rebel pirates upon
our shipping. It is a fruit of the same devoted regard for the Union and the
country which compels this kind of patriot to denounce and belie the conduct of
the war against rebellion, and to omit all but the most mannerly reproof of
rebellion itself. If the Government of the United States, hard pressed by arms,
seeks to weaken its enemy by depriving him of the services of slaves, Copperhead
patriotism explodes at the unconstitutionality, radicalism, fanaticism, and
wickedness of the act. But if the rebels drive slaves to build forts from behind
which our men may be conveniently slaughtered, or if they keep slaves working in
the field to feed the men who are destroying the Government, or if they arm them
to shoot us, Copperhead patriotism is a dumb dog. It finds nothing
unconstitutional, radical, or wicked in such a course. The rebels have been
"irritated"—they feared that justice would not be done to them in the Union, and
have "withdrawn;" therefore their fears should be allayed by receiving a solemn
promise that they shall always govern the country at their own sweet wills, and
without question or opposition.
Now the war which the rebels have
compelled the people of this country to wage against them is, like all wars,
terrible. But they knew and know that reprisals and retaliation are a legitimate
method of war. They know, and the whole world knows, that when a company of
rebels hang prisoners of any complexion, the friends of those prisoners are
perfectly justified in hanging rebel prisoners in turn. When the rebels hung
black soldiers the other day in the Southwest, the black soldiers instantly and
properly retaliated by hanging rebel prisoners in sight of the rebel lines. If
Jeff Davis's Generals think fit to execute his threat and murder the captured
officers of our black regiments, no man in his senses doubts that, man for man,
the captured rebel officers in our possession will be destroyed. And this will
be in obedience to the first and most essential rule of warfare—that if the
enemy wantonly destroy life or property, he must be restrained from continuing
to do so in the only practicable way, by retaliation.
The rebels have now for two years
devastated the defenseless private property of loyal citizens at sea, and they
now complain, through the Copperhead mouths of their friends, that their own
unprotected private property is destroyed. The men
who own and authorize and defend
the depredations of pirates at sea protest with pious horror against what they
call piracy on land. But if
Jeff Davis authorizes
Captain Semmes to burn Mr.
Low's ship at sea, why should not the President of the United States authorize
Colonel Montgomery to burn Mr. Howell Cobb's house on land? Do we propose to
make war without reprisals? Do we mean to allow an immunity of ravage? Or is it
said that we ought to stop the pirates by our navy? That is doubtless a good
thing to do, and we all hope it will be done. But we are to deal not only with
pirates, but with piracy. Our cruisers, let us hope, will take care of the
individual ships, but the Government must take care of the spirit which fits out
those ships; and that is most effectually done by retaliation—by striking the
enemy exactly the kind of blow that he strikes us. Nor is the moral guilt the
same; for he strikes wantonly, and we to prevent his striking.
OTHERS SEE US.
IT is the misfortune of the
Administration that it must be judged by impatience rather than by intelligence.
We are all so anxious to subdue the rebels that we insist there shall be an
overpowering force on every point at which they appear; that every pirate shall
be at once swept from the sea; that every threatened army shall be at once
overwhelmingly reinforced; that every movement of the enemy shall be baffled,
and every battle lost by him; that, in fine, no mistakes shall be made upon our
side, no defeats encountered, and that at every moment the subjugation of the
enemy shall seem to be imminent and decisive.
This is natural. We know our
power, and we wish it all to be brought to bear effectively and promptly. We
chafe at every moment's delay, and we hasten to ascribe to imbecility what may
be more justly attributed to a different view of expediency. And it may
therefore comfort some impetuous soul to know that the rebels, who are so
constantly praised for ability, vigor, and rapidity, criticise their own
authorities just as harshly as we censure ours, and praise us for precisely the
same qualities that we commend them. Thus in Pollard's rebel history of the
first year of the war, in which the fight between the Merrimac and the
:Monitor., and the battle of Shiloh, are claimed as "Confederate" victories, we
find this kind of remark upon the rebel management:
"The authorities at
appeared to hope for results without the legitimate means for acquiring them; to
look for relief from vague and undefined sources; and to await with dull
expectation what was next to happen. . . .Some other agency than the natural
spirit and hardihood of men was necessary in the conduct of a war, in the
nineteenth century, against a nation which had given such unquestionable proofs
as the North had of quick and abundant resource, mental activity, and unflagging
hope. . . .
"Of the political measures
adopted by the South in furtherance of the objects of the war but a few words
need be said. They are justly described as weak and halting responses to the
really vigorous acts of the Northern Government in its heartless but strong and
effective prosecution of the war. . . . The Confederate Government, in the midst
of a revolution that threatened its existence, continued to rely on the wretched
shift of twelve months' volunteers and raw militia, with a population that, by
the operation of conscription, could have been embodied and drilled into an
invincible army, competent not only to oppose invasion at every point of our
frontier, but to conquer peace in the dominions of the enemy.... It was a
remarkable circumstance that the North had, at all stages of the war, adopted
the best means for securing specific results."
Is not this precisely the manner
in which we are accustomed to criticise the action of the Government, and to
applaud the energy of the rebellion? It is impossible that all action should not
seem blundering and imperfect to those who demand perfect wisdom and uniform
success. Our conduct of the war may be fairly censured in many ways. But is it
so utterly imbecile as our impatience often believes?
A GOOD man, a true soldier, a
faithful citizen, an honored officer, is dead. At the moment when he is about
going to a new sphere of duty, followed by the confidence and love of the
people, he dies, and that love and confidence can only recount his virtues and
his services, and bewail the nation's great loss. Admiral Foote was early
distinguished in the war by his reduction of
Fort Henry and the gallant
management of the Western flotilla. The vigor, the rapidity, the success of his
warlike operations gave him a hold upon the popular heart which was only
confirmed and strengthened by the simplicity, purity, and fidelity of his
religious character. Neither a bigot, a fanatic, nor a zealot, he was—what many
a religious bigot is not—an honorable man. An American citizen, and a sworn
officer under the
American flag, no other authority and no other flag, under
whatever specious pretense, confused his conscience or betrayed his honor. His
friends to-day, and history hereafter, will have no terrible excuse to make for
him. They will not be obliged to contrast his heroism with his treachery, nor
his religion with his infamy; but the praises of his Christian fervor and
bravery and ability will be forever unalloyed.
Admiral Foote dies at a moment of
chagrin in the war. He dies at a time when we can ill spare a tried and true
leader. His name is added to the shining list of heroes who have died in the
noblest service; cheerfully obedient, full of faith, believing in the cause, in
the country, in his countrymen, steadily holding the flag of hope and humanity:
And if some hour seem dark with
That sacred banner lifted higher,
Shall flash away the gathering
With inextinguishable fire.
HUMORS OF THE
A COUNTRY paper, in recommending
early rising and walking, says, "Morning interviews with Nature are delightful."
"Susan," said a young lady, "when you kindle the fire to-morrow morning open the
window, so if Nature wants an interview she may come in and have it."
ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION.—On a day
of grand popular rejoicing, when the fountains, and the Bengal lights, rockets,
and Roman candles, had been all brought into active requisition, a clever little
boy, upon being asked which of the two elements he would sooner be, "fire or
water?" answered "water;" and this was the subtle reason he gave for it: "Don't
you see the fire-works, but the water always plays." That boy, we are afraid,
will never be President.
Moliere was asked the reason why,
in certain countries, the king may assume the crown at fourteen years of age,
and can not marry before eighteen? "It is," answered Moliere, "because it is
more difficult to rule a wife than a kingdom."
A young lady, in a class studying
Physiology, made answer to a question put, that in six years a human body became
entirely changed, so that not a particle which was in it at the commencement of
the period would remain at the close of it. "Then, Miss L—," said the young
tutor, "in six years you will cease to be Miss L—." "Why, yes, Sir, I suppose
so," said she, very modestly, looking at the floor.
Madame R—, who is still a
coquette in her quite advanced maturity, went recently to a private evening
party, after eleven o'clock. "How late you are, my charmer!" said the mistress
of the house to her, reprovingly. "I am quite ashamed," answered Madame R—; "but
my maid is so very slow; she takes more than an hour and a half to do my hair."
"Fortunately," observed one of her friends, "you are not obliged to stay at home
while she is doing it."
"There is a pleasurable
sensation," said that great philanthropist, Dr. Smellfungus, ''in hearing the
person who has done us a service abused." "And why, Sir?" inquired a lady, who
overheard the charitable observation. "Because, my dear madam," was the Doctor's
logical reply, "it seems to lessen the obligation we owe the rascal ourselves."
A Cockney sportsman being out one
day amusing himself with shooting, happened to fire through a hedge, on the
other side of which was a man, standing or leaning, no matter which. The shot
passed through the man's hat, but missed the bird. "Did you fire at me, Sir?" he
hastily asked. "Oh no, Sir," said the shrewd sportsman; "I never hit what I fire
In the days of the volunteers Mr.
Ker commanded a company, which he duly drilled and paraded; but his recruits
were a particularly awkward squad—they never could draw up in a straight line,
do what he might. "Oh!" he cried one day, holding up his hands in honor as he
looked along the front rank; "Oh, what a bent row! Just come out, lads, and look
at it yourselves."
"Pay me that six-and-eightpence
you owe me, Mr. Mulrooney," said a village attorney, "for the opinion you had of
me." "Faith, I never had any opinion of you in all my life."
Why are photographers the most
uncivil of all trades-people?—Because when we make application for a copy of our
portrait they always reply with a negative.
An Irish gentleman having a small
picture-gallery, several persons wished to see it at the same time. "Faith,
gentlemen," said he, "if you all go in it will not hold you."
If there is "many a slip 'twixt
the cup and the lip," will drinking out of the saucer insure freedom from such
The person who was terribly "cut
up" by the sad news received has been lately sewn together by the "thread of
"The impulse of the moment," as
the soda-water said to the cork when the string was cut.
"I can't reconcile differences,"
said Septimus Hardup. "For instance, there is nothing more regular in its coming
round than dinner-time, and nothing less certain than dinner."
INVASION OF THE NORTH.
IN our last number we mentioned
cavalry had made their appearance in Maryland and Pennsylvania. They
have since been followed by infantry and artillery, and at the present time the
whole of Lee's army must be on Northern soil. General Ewell, leading the
Chambersburg on 23d, Shippensburg on 25th, and thence moved
Northward—his pickets reaching the Susquehanna, opposite Harrisburg, on 29th.
General Knipe fell back from Carlisle on 25th to Kingston, and thence to the
other side of the Susquehanna. Meanwhile another rebel force of all arms
occupied Gettysburg on 26th. On 27th General Longstreet's corps crossed the
Williamsport; and on the following day
General Lee crossed, and took
up his quarters at
Hagerstown. On 28th a rebel force took possession of York and
Mechanicsburg, our troops retiring without fighting; on the same day Colonel
Frick—in command at Wrightsville, opposite Columbia, on the Susquehanna—had a
sharp skirmish with the rebel advance, but was driven across the river with the
loss of about 100. In retiring he burned the bridge, which cost over $1,000,000.
In occupying York the rebel General Early levied a contribution of a quarter of
million dollars on the town money and produce under penalty of its
destruction. On the morning of 30th the rebels appeared to occupy the whole west
bank of the Susquehanna—with the exception of some works opposite
Harrisburg—from a short distance north of Harrisburg to some distance south of
Columbia: all the roads leading to the Susquehanna from Southern Pennsylvania
and Maryland; and commanding positions on the Upper Potomac and the Northern
Central Railroad. Our militia —from New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey—were
mostly on the Susquehanna River and at Baltimore. The army of the Potomac is in
Maryland—at what points it is now contraband to state. It is now commanded by
General Meade, vice Hooker removed, and has been largely reinforced from
Fortress Monroe and
Norfolk. Both the army under Meade, and the militia in
Pennsylvania are in large numbers, and should be able to give a good account of
the enemy. On the afternoon of 30th the rebel advance fell back, and General Lee
appeared to be concentrating his forces. York was evacuated, and so was the
country opposite Harrisburg, whereupon
General Couch crossed the river and moved
forward. Gettysburg was occupied by our forces, and the report was that a
battle would probably be forced in the neighborhood of Shippensburg, unless the
rebels fled westward into the Cumberland Valley.
GENERAL HOOKER'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
GENERAL ORDER—No. 65.
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF THE
FREDERICK, MD., June 28, 1863.
In conformity with the orders of
the War Department, dated June 27, 1863, I relinquish the command of the Army of
the Potomac. It is transferred to Major-General George G. Meade, a brave and
accomplished officer, who has nobly earned the confidence and esteem of the army
on many a well-fought field. Impressed with the belief that my usefulness as the
commander of the Army of the Potomac is impaired, I part from it, yet not
without the deepest emotion. The sorrow of parting with the comrades of so many
battles is relieved by the conviction that the courage and devotion of this army
will never cease nor fail; that it will
yield to my successor, as it has
to me, a willing and hearty support. With the earnest prayer that the triumph of
its arms may bring successes worthy of it and the nation, I bid it farewell.
S. F. BARSTOW, Acting
GENERAL MEADE ASSUMES COMMAND.
This order was followed by the
subjoined address from General Meade:
GENERAL ORDER—No. 66.
HEAD-QUARTERS, ARMY OF THE
June 28, 1863.
By direction of the President of
the United States, I hereby assume command of the Army of the Potomac. As a
soldier, in obeying this order, an order totally unexpected and unsolicited, I
have no promises or pledges to make. The country looks to this army to relieve
it from the devastation and disgrace of a hostile invasion. Whatever fatigues
and sacrifices we may be called upon to undergo, let use have in view constantly
the magnitude of the interests involved, and let each man determine to do his
duty, leaving to an all-controlling Providence the decision of the contest. It
is with just diffidence that I relieve in the command of this army an eminent
and accomplished soldier, whose name must ever appear conspicuous in the history
of its achievements; but I rely upon the hearty support of my companions in arms
to assist me in the discharge of the duties of the important trust which has
been confided to me. GEORGE G. MEADE,
S. F. BARSTOW, Assistant
GENERAL ROSECRANS IN MOTION.
The news from Tennessee indicates
the opening of a campaign for
General Rosecrans's army. With the exception of
one division, his whole force moved on 24th. On Wednesday and Thursday, the 24th
and 25th ult., the advance of General McCook's column had brisk skirmishes with
a rebel brigade in Guy's Gap, in which our loss was 225 killed and wounded. At
eighteen miles south of
Murfreesboro no enemy in force had been met with. Bragg
was said to be at Tullahoma, where Rosecrans was moving to attack him.
SIEGE OF PORT HUDSON.
General Banks have
been received by the Department to the effect that on the 14th ult. having
established his batteries within three hundred and fifty yards of the rebel
Port Hudson, after a vigorous cannonade, he summoned General Gardner to
surrender. On his refusal an assault was made, and our forces gained positions
within fifty to a hundred yards of the enemy's works, which they held. General
Paine was severely wounded. General Banks expressed himself confident of
success. Our loss in the assault was severe, and our repulse undoubted.
SIEGE OF VICKSBURG.
The latest news from Vicksburg,
by way of
Cairo, is to the 15th ult. The cannonading on the 20th was terrific
from the army and the gun-boats. At the close of the day
General Logan blew up
one of the rebel works, and occupied the ground. Otherwise the siege was
progressing favorably. The movements of General Johnston continue wrapt in
mystery. He had gone beyond the Big Black, and was reported moving southward.
All the rivers and streams were rising.
PANIC IN PHILADELPHIA.
The greatest alarm and activity
prevails in Philadelphia. The Mayor and General Dana have issued stirring
proclamations, appealing to the citizens to prepare to defend their homes.
The coal-dealers held a meeting,
and resolved to close their collieries till the crisis has passed, and to enable
the miners to volunteer. The merchants have resolved to raise a million of
dollars. All the stores are to be closed, and the men employed in them forwarded
for the defense of the city and State. The men who leave their employment are to
be paid their usual salary during their absence.
The Board of Brokers raised
$25,000, to be divided among 500 men who may enlist for the emergency. A
resolution was also adopted to adjourn at 3 o'clock every afternoon, to give
members an opportunity to drill. The clergymen offered their services to the
Mayor to labor on the fortifications.
A line of intrenchments around
the city was commenced on 30th ult.
UNION RAID TO THE SOUTH ANNA.
From the White House, on the
Pamunky River, we learn the full details of Colonel Spear's operation to the
South Anna, the capture of the rebel General Fitz Hugh Lee, a rebel colonel, a
blockade running captain, and over two hundred other prisoners. Lee was captured
at the house of a friend while he was trying to recover from his wound received
at Kelly's Ford. A skirmish occurred at Hanover Court House, where our troops
came out conquerors. A rebel baggage train on the way to Richmond, and of great
value, was captured and destroyed, and with over a thousand saddles. The
railroad bridge at White House was saved, and the whole expedition was a
UNION RAID IN EAST TENNESSEE.
The expedition recently sent into
East Tennessee reports officially to
General Burnside, through Colonel Saunders,
commanding, that his troops struck the railroad at Lenoir, destroyed the road up
Knoxville, and made a demonstration against that city, so as to have the
troops drawn from above, destroyed the railroad track and started for Strawberry
Plains, burned the State creek bridge, three hundred and twelve feet long, and
the Strawberry Plain bridge, one thousand six hundred feet long; also the Mossy
creek bridge, three hundred and twenty-five feet long. They also captured three
pieces of artillery, some two hundred boxes of artillery ammunition, over five
hundred prisoners and one thousand stand of arms, and destroyed a large amount
of salt, sugar, flour, meal, saltpetre, and one saltpetre work and other stores.
He found the rebel force in East Tennessee larger than he had supposed.
RUSSELL ON THE BLOCKADE.
EARL RUSSEL stated in the House
of Lords that the blockade maintained by the American fleet was sufficiently
efficient to entitle it to be observed. He believed also that there was every
desire on the part of the American Government to prevent injustice from being
done to neutrals.
APPEAL OF PRO-SLAVERY PARSONS.
A large number of clergymen in
the rebel States had joined in an appeal to England, invoking her aid to put an
end to the war. They declare that the restoration of the Union is impossible.
The London Herald, organ of the British aristocrats, and lately purchased by the
rebels, attributes great importance to the paper.
MASON AND CONWAY.
An American Abolitionist named
Conway, in London, attempted to negotiate the basis of a peace treaty with Mr.
Mason, the rebel commissioner, on the ground of a promise of negro emancipation
by the Southerners. Conway said that if this pledge were given the Abolition
leaders in the North would "oppose the further prosecution of the war," and
cause it to cease by the "immediate withdrawal of every kind of supplies." Mr.
Mason did not commit himself or his cause in any way. He inquired for Conway's
credentials from the Abolitionist party, and he failed to produce them.
REJOICING OVER THE FALL OF
The official report of the fall
of Puebla caused much joy to Napoleon. He forwarded a letter of thanks to
General Forey, in which he disclaims the idea of a permanent rule by conquest.
The order for reinforcements fur the army was countermanded.