Abraham Lincoln's Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus
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OCTOBER 11, 1862.] HARPER'S WEEKLY. 643 (Previous Page) wounds him so sorely, what is he likely to think of the proclamation of the Government, enforced by all its armies and Generals? He knows, and every man in the South knows, that the news will flash like daybreak all through the world of slaves. It will be as silent but as swift. But if, in time of peace, when there is no hope of successful movement felt by the slaves, the apprehension of the community expresses itself in such laws for the suppression of disorders as fill the slave State statute-books, what will be the condition of that community now? If slavery be the just, patriarchal, happy, comfortable, and Christian condition of things, most fitted and most delightful to the slaves and to the peace of the country, which its friends and advocates declare it to be, then the Proclamation will produce no uneasiness in the rebellious States. But if it is a wrong, and the slaves feel it to be so, every man knows, whatever he professes, exactly what its operation will be. WHO IS WHO?THESE columns, we say, are neither Democratic nor Republican; they are simply Union. Harper's Weekly has no politics; but it has the unswerving loyalty to the Government which every honest citizen and paper owes, and it has a corresponding duty of censure upon all who seek to arouse old party passions. This effort was deliberately made by Mr. Horatio Seymour, who was lately nominated by Mr. Fernando Wood and his friends for Governor of New York. His speech of acceptance, of which Mr. Fernando Wood said that he "indorsed every word," was neither a plea for the Government, nor a denunciation of the rebellion, nor an appeal to every patriotic heart to strain yet another nerve in saving the country, nor a burning tribute to the brave and noble martyrs in the cause, but a dry, elaborate special plea and justification for the party with which he has acted. No other party, he said, is fitted to carry on the government. Mr. Seymour provokes a very brief historical reminiscence upon the point of peculiar fitness. Mr. Buchanan was the late Democratic President. In his Cabinet and by his connivance the rebellion was matured. Mr. Cobb— now a rebel General — was the Democratic Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Floyd—now a rebel General—was the Democratic Secretary of War. Mr. Thompson—a conspicuous rebel instigator—was the Democratic Secretary of the Interior. Mr. Jefferson Davis, the rebel President; Mr. Toombs, his Secretary of State; Mr. Benjamin, his late Secretary of War; Slidell, the rebel emissary in Paris; Mason, the ditto in London; Wigfall, Yulee, Chestnut, and the rest, were Democratic Senators of the United States. The most conspicuous members of that party in the Cabinet and Senate, assisted by representatives of the same faith in the House, organized at the national capital the plot to overthrow the national Government, in which they were assisted by the Democratic Governors of Southern States. For seventeen months the country has, in consequence, been convulsed and desolated by a ferocious war. Every family is bereaved—every citizen is heavily taxed—the prosperity of the nation is paralyzed and its very existence menaced; and every open defender or secret sympathizer with this bloody effort to ruin the Government and the country has been identified solely with the Democratic Party. The Republican party may be unfitted to direct the Government, but if this record proves that the Democratic party is better fitted, it can only be because words have ceased to have meaning. The gentleman who brings the charge of unfitness has been selected in New York as the candidate of that party. He prides himself upon having urged the Government to surrender to the rebellion before a shot had been fired. His speech has ample and labored vituperation and accusation—not of the enemies of the country, but of the friends of the Administration which is maintaining the Government. Are his most vehement supporters, in or out of the Convention, the most loyal of Union men? Does he take his stand upon a purely partisan, or a purely patriotic platform? Will, or will not, Jeff Davis in Richmond, Slidell in Paris, and Mason in London, rejoice to hear of his election? and can that which pleases these men realty be serviceable to the country in this extremity? These are not party or political questions. They are questions of the further existence of the Government unawed by rebellion, and unchanged by compromise with rebels in arms. LYING.IT is quite time that every body concerned understood that this nation wants to know what has happened, not what might have happened, nor what somebody expected would happen. We don't want official optimism, civil or military, to be telegraphed as news. We are a serious people, engaged in a serious work, and whoever tells us lies does not help us, and hurts himself. When a battle is fought why will not the General who reports it to the Government, the Government which tells it to the people, and the correspondents who describe it, remember that the questions asked by the people are: Did we whip? Were we whipped? Was it a drawn battle? "Glorious victory" has become as absurd a phrase as "Strategy." Nobody sees those words at the head of the column without a cold shudder as to what he is to find below. In the late Maryland battles we were informed on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday mornings that we had achieved great and glorious victories: that the rebel army was to be annihilated or captured, and that Lee and Jackson were to be taken by sunset. On Friday morning it appeared that after a series of battles lasting for three or four days we rested upon our arms in face of the full force of the still undefeated enemy, while Harper's Ferry, the key of the position, had been snatched from our grasp. That we had fought magnificently was most true; that we had lost up to that time two precious lives in Reno and Mansfield; that some of our bravest and best leaders were wounded; that, as General Hooker said, "the carnage was awful;" that we had gained some important advantages; that the opening action, under Hooker and Burnside, at South Mountain was most brilliant: all this was true. But so the rebels had fought well; and while we had some advantages, they had Harper's Ferry; and after the fourth day's fighting the issue was still doubtful. Where, then, was the "glorious victory" which had been thundered in our ears all the week? Still, the newsmongers of all stations have high authority. When the English line fell back a little at Waterloo, and the final and fatal charge of French cavalry was ordered, Napoleon sent off a courier to Paris with the news of his "glorious victory." But his messenger had hardly left the roar of the battle behind him when the day was lost to France. If we are to imitate Napoleon, however, let it be in his power, not in his weakness; in his battles, not in his bulletins; in his marvelous rapidity, concentration, and persistence, not in his deceit and grandiloquence. This is a war of the people, not of a party, or of a general, or of a clique. Let us have the naked facts, and we can supply them with the necessary rhetoric. THE TEST QUESTION.SINCE the war began and the only public question of moment was the maintenance of the Government and the unconditional surrender of the rebellion, we have advocated in these columns the use of every constitutional means to that end. We have urged every man to bear constantly in mind the character and scope of the struggle, and to make every act and vote of his tell in the strongest manner against the rebellion. Whether he were a Republican or a Democrat, we have assumed that he had forgotten those names for the time, and wished to be known only as a patriot. The question of the particular course the ship was to steer was lost in the question of saving the ship itself. We are still engaged in the work. All hands are called to the pumps. The question still is, not shall we sail North or South? but shall we sail at all? In the coming elections, therefore, the test question is, what result will please the rebels most? Here are candidates for Congress, for Governor, and for other offices. Even allowing that all are equally honest, whose success do Davis, Toombs, & Co. desire? If you can settle that question, and find those candidates, those are the men you are to vote against. The men whom the rebels most detest, the Generals they most hate, the measures they most denounce, are the men, Generals, and measures for every sincerely and wholly loyal citizen. HUMORS OF THE DAY.CUTTING off two feet from a man is making short work of him. "I say, Jim, are there any bears in your country in the winter?" "Y-e-s; the ice bears!" The herb doctors think that, to be healthy and vigorous, a man, like a tree, must take root. The young lady who took the gentleman's fancy has returned it with thanks. The man who attempted to whistle a bar of soap has injured his voice by trying to sing a stave off a barrel. A railroad conductor, out of employment at present, wants to know when the "Equinoctial line" is to be opened, as he thinks of applying fora situation. LOVE.—At three years of age we love our mothers; at six, our fathers; at ten, holidays; at sixteen, dress; at twenty, our sweet-hearts; at twenty-five, our wives; at forty, our children; at sixty, ourselves. "Mr. Smith, I wish to speak to you privately. Permit use to take you apart a few moments." SMITH (who wasn't the least frightened). "Certainly, Sir, if you'll promise to put me together again." Mrs. Partington says she has heard of but one old woman who kissed her cow, but she knows of many thousand younger ones who have kissed very great calves. A preacher in a funeral sermon on a lady, after summing up all her good qualities, added, "that she always reached her husband his hat without muttering." "I repeat," said a person of questionable veracity, "that I am an honest man." "Yes," was the reply, "and how often will you have to repeat it before you believe it yourself?" Can knocking a man down with a loaf of bread strictly be called smiting him with the "staff of life?" THE VERY THING.—"Then I'll bring a suit for my bill," said an enraged tailor to a dandy, who refused to pay him. "Do, my dear fellow!" replied the imperturbable swell, pointing to his threadbare clothes; "that's just what I want." Why is a man's coat larger when he pulls it out of a carpet-bag? Because he finds it in-creases. Why is a widower like a house in a state of dilapidation? Because he should be re-paired. "Don't want you any longer," said an employer to a very tall clerk. "Look well before you leap," is very good advice in its way; but how can sickly-looking people follow it? Physicians should make good sailors, they are so thoroughly used to see sickness. "What blessings children are," as the parish-clerk said when he took the fees for christening them. A man isn't likely to die from having his head carried away in a fight, if 'tis his legs that carry it away. Troubles are like dogs—the smaller they are the more they annoy you. Modesty in woman is like color on her cheeks—decidedly becoming, if not put on. Why is it vulgar to send a telegram? Because it is making use of flash language. REAL INDEPENDENCE.—Living at a hotel as long as you like, and going away without paying the bill. Act upon your own conviction, or it may be the sheriff's duty to act upon your conviction before you are much older. "You look as though you were beside yourself," said a wag to a fop standing by a donkey. A juryman having applied to the Recorder to be excused from serving, on account of deafness, the latter asked, "Could you not hear my charge to the grand jury, Sir?" "Yes, I heard every word of it," was the reply, "but couldn't make any sense of it." While thousands fall by clashing swords, ten thousand fall by corset boards; yet giddy females (thoughtless train!) for sake of fashion yield to pain. A Parisian robber, who was seized in the act of stealing from the shop of a tobacconist, said, by way of excusing himself, that he had never heard of a law which forbade a man to take snuff. A musical composer having been asked if he had done any thing lately, said, "Yes, my last work was a composition with my creditors." A theoretically benevolent man, on being asked by a friend to lend him a sovereign, answered briskly, "With pleasure;" but suddenly added, "Dear me, how unfortunate! I've only one lending sovereign, and it is out." A lively Hibernian exclaimed, at a party where Theodore Hook shone as the evening star, "Och, Master Theodore, but you are the hook that nobody can bate." Robert Hall was unhappy in his courtship of Miss Steel. While he was yet smarting beneath the disappointment he went out to tea. The lady of the house said, with no very good taste, "You are dull, Mr. Hall; we have no polished steel here to entertain you." "Oh, madam, that's not the slightest consequence; you have plenty of polished brass!" Among the expedients adopted by the sutlers to sell contraband liquor to the soldiers one is exceedingly novel. They drop a couple of peaches into a bottle of whisky, and sell the compound as "pickled peaches!" A more irreverent expedient is to have a tin can made and painted like a hymn-book, and labeled "The Bosom Companion!" A one-legged Welsh orator, named Jones, was pretty successful in bantering an Irishman, when the latter asked him, "How did you come to lose your leg?" "Well," said Jones, " on examining my pedigree and looking up my descent, I found there was some Irish blood in me, and becoming convinced it was all settled in that left leg, I had it cut off at once." "Be the powers," said Pat, "it 'ud av been a good thing if it had only settled in yer head." Why are indolent persons' beds too short for them? Because they are too long in them. What port is sought by every living creature?—Support.
DOMESTIC INTELLIGENCE.
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