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Page) And all the time good
Sat by his fireside near,
Smokin' of his kinnikinick,
And drinkin' lager-beer.
He laughed and quaffed, and
quaffed and laughed,
Nor thought it worth his while,
Until the storm in fury burst
On Sumter's sea-girt isle.
O'er the waves to the smoking
When came the dewy dawn,
To see the flag he looked—and lo,
Eleven stars were gone!
"My pretty, pretty stars!" he
And down did roll a tear.
"I've got your stars, Old Fogy
"Ha, ha!" laughed Cavalier.
"I've got your stars in my
Come take them, if you dare!"
And Uncle Sam he turned away,
Too full of wrath to swear.
"Let thunder all the drums!" he
While swelled his soul, like
"A million Northern boys I'll get
To bring me home my stars."
And on his mare, stout Betsey
To Northside town he flew;
The dogs they barked, the bells
And countless bugles blew.
"My stolen stars!" cried Uncle
"My stolen stars!" cried he.
"A million soldiers I must have
To bring them home to me."
"Dry up your tears, good Uncle
Dry up!" said Puritan.
"We'll bring you home your stolen
Or perish every man!"
And at the words a million rose,
All ready for the fray;
And columns formed, like rivers
And Southward marched away.
* * * * * *
And still old Uncle Samuel
Sits by his fireside near,
Smokin' of his kinnikinick
And drinkin' lager-beer;
While there's a tremble in the
A gleaming of the sky,
And the rivers stop to listen
As the million marches by.
SATURDAY, AUGUST 22, 1863.
THE LATE RIOT.
New York Riots are passing
into history, and public opinion is crystallizing on the subject. It is
extremely difficult to find an apologist, nowadays, for the scoundrels who
murdered black men because they were black, and burned an orphan asylum because
the orphans were not born—poor little creatures!—with white skins. The
newspapers which fomented the riot now feebly and sneakingly squirm out of the
scrape; and those which called the most ruffianly mob of the century a
"procession of the people" are vigorously endeavoring to divert attention from
themselves by calling their neighbors hard names. There is no one left to put
forth even the faintest shadow of an excuse for the rioters but
And he does not amount to much.
Blinded, like so many better men, by the dazzling vision of the White House in
the distance, he has made a bid for the blackguards' vote in the shape of a
couple of letters to the President, urging him to follow the example of the New
York Common Council, and yield the point at issue to the thieves and murderers
of New York. In several solid columns of nonpareil type does the Governor of the
State strive to extenuate arson, robbery, and murder, and to nullify a statute
of Congress. Of all this trash and pettifoggery the President has made short
work. He disdains to follow the Governor into his petty argument about the
distribution of quotas, and the party political question; but settles the
controversy in these calm, crushing words:
"We are contending with an enemy
who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can reach into his ranks,
very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter-pen. No time is wasted,
no argument is used. This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now
victorious soldiers already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by
recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not to be
matched on our side, if we first waste time to re-experiment with the volunteer
system, already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, as far exhausted as
to be inadequate, and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a
law is constitutional which requires a part of those not now in the service to
go to the aid of those who are already in it; and still more time to determine
with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal
proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my action just and
constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the important duty with which I
am charged, of maintaining the unity and the free principles of our common
We do not envy the feelings that
will fill the breast of the descendants of Horatio Seymour when the time comes
for the impartial historian of the war to record the part their ancestor took at
its most vital crisis. It will be his duty—a duty inevitable and clear—to point
out that, just as victory seemed assured to the National cause, the term of
service of a large proportion of the Union troops expired, and there was no
means of filling the depleted ranks of the army except by draft; that, in view
of this emergency,
a Conscription Act, framed with
the utmost care, based upon the experience of foreign nations, and more tenderly
careful of the interests of the widow, the orphan, and the helpless, than any
other similar statute in existence, had been duly passed and made a law; that
when the emergency arose for its execution, it was peacefully submitted to every
where except in the city of New York, where it was resisted by men who testified
their sense of civic duty and constitutional obligation by burning an orphan
asylum, murdering negroes, robbing private individuals, and sacking private
houses; and that, at this vital crisis, the Governor of New York addressed the
miscreants who had done these deeds as his "friends," and actually advised the
National Executive to defer to their views, and to suspend the execution of the
law until the emergency had gone by, and the South had recovered from its losses
and raised a new army to destroy the nation. We are not of those who regard
Governor Seymour as a secret accomplice of the rebels. But we can not help
thinking that the historian will have some difficulty in reconciling, on
ordinary principles of human conduct, his letters to the President with his
oft-repeated and mellifluous professions of loyalty.
It will be to him a satisfactory
change to turn to the reports of our law courts. No man who entertains a proper
sense of pride in his country can calmly brook the idea that the great
Democratic party, which has ruled this country for so many years, had, at so
fatal a moment, covered itself with infamy. And the historian will perceive with
joy that no such idea can be sustained by the evidence. For he will find that
within a month of the time when the Governor was calling the rioters his
friends, and begging the President to grant them what they asked, a Democratic
Recorder and a Democratic District Attorney were administering the law with
inexorable severity, and securing the punishment of the ruffians who disgraced
us in a most exemplary manner. Ten and fifteen years of State prison have been
awarded to minor culprits; the trials have in every case been thorough,
impartial, and swift; there is every reason to hope that by the time these lines
are read some of the greater scoundrels—the brutal Irishmen who battered in
negroes' skulls with paving stones—may be brought up for sentence, and condemned
to suffer the highest penalty known to the law.
The Recorder and District
Attorney are redeeming the fair fame of the city. If they continue to do their
duty—and they may feel assured that they are sustained in their present course
by every citizen who earns an honest living—they will command the highest
station in the gift of the people of the city. Even the clients of the
Archbishop are at bottom in favor of law and order, for they, too, have
something to lose. In every large community scoundrels are a minority and honest
men a majority. Governor Seymour has seemingly cast his lot with the former,
Recorder Hoffman with the latter. The next election will tell which has made the
THE Secretary of the Treasury has
announced that he will continue for the present to sell six per cent. five-year
bonds at par to all who apply for them. For the past four or five months the
sales of these bonds have been so large as to defray the entire cost of the war;
in all, about $250,000,000 have been sold—mostly through the houses of Jay,
Cooke, & Co., of Philadelphia, and Fisk & Hatch, bankers, of New York. This is,
we believe, the first instance in history in which the cost of a great war has
been defrayed by the voluntary contributions of the people, carried by them from
day to day to the fiscal agents of Government.
Mr. Chase's administration of the
finances has been successful beyond all precedent, and probably beyond his own
expectations. Our national credit now stands so high that he was able, the other
day, to refuse an offer, made by European agents, of par for $100,000,000 of
thirty-year fives. He told the applicants that he would let them have a four per
cent. loan at the price, or a fifteen-year five per cent. loan. This was the
best he would do.
The English, who would not buy
our bonds when they were at par, and exchange at 180 or 190, thus reducing the
cost of the bonds in sterling to 55 or 60, are now purchasing them freely at
106, with exchange at 138 or 139. This, however, is a less expensive operation
than their venture in Confederate scrip. That they bought at 101 or 104, and
thought they were doing well; now they are trying to sell it at 80 or 83, and
find it hard work. A smart people!
THE papers are publishing a
correspondence between somebody whose name is not given and Laird, the pirate
ship-builder of Liverpool, from which it would appear that Laird had been
requested by the Navy Department to build vessels for the United States navy.
Secretary Welles has distinctly
stated that he made no such request, and authorized no one to make it for him or
for the Department.
Under the circumstances we fail
to see the object of publishing the correspondence. An anonymous letter can not
for a moment stand against the authoritative denial of the Secretary of the
Navy. And even if Laird had given his agent's name, or stated that he personally
was privy to the alleged proposal, there is no reason why he should be believed.
A man who will build pirate craft, in violation of the law of his own country,
to prey upon the commerce of a friendly and allied nation, surely belongs to
that class of persons whose evidence is inadmissible in courts of justice,
except in confession of guilt for the conviction of accomplices.
LAST CRY OF CATILINE.
WHEN, before the battle of
Beauregard issued his "beauty and booty" proclamation, the derision of
the country at once perceived the unmitigated Munchausen who has been ridiculous
ever since. But the cold chief of the rebellion, who can not plead the ardor of
Creole blood, and who, when a student at West Point, declared that he had no
association with Yankees, has recently surpassed his subordinate in shameless
falsehood. Davis's proclamation of the 1st August sounds like a cry wrung from
despair. "Victory waits at the tips of your fingers," he cries to the men he has
so long and terribly deceived; "why not stretch out your hands and seize it?"
But if success were so imminent could it be necessary, in such a tone of
anguish, to exhort his men to grasp it? After
Bull Run, after the two Fredericksburgs, after the earlier repulses at
Charleston, did he
summon his followers in so frantic a voice to return to their ranks and reap the
golden triumph that wooed their swords? Did he enjoin fasting and prayer in view
of the "inevitable" success of which he now speaks, or did he ordain
thanksgiving and joy? Does Jefferson Davis suppose that any body is so silly as
to believe that if, as he says, "Victory is within your reach," the men he
appeals to would desert and stand sternly aloof?
But the assertions of his
manifest are more atrocious than the implications are encouraging. He says that
our malignant rage aims at the extermination of the rebels, their wives, and
children; that we wish to destroy what we can not plunder; and that we propose
to partition their homes among wretches. All this is such utter rubbish that it
may be at once dismissed to the category of "beauty and booty." But when
Catiline Davis proceeds to say that the Government of his country debauches an
inferior race, heretofore docile and contented, by promising them the indulgence
of the vilest passions as the price of their treachery, he is so sublime in
mendacity that Beauregard must despair.
His statement is curious for the
variety of its absurdity. This race has heretofore been docile and contented, he
says. How contented the Journal of Mrs. Kemble and of every competent observer,
and the slave laws of every slave State, show. They are docile and
contented—how, then, is it possible for us to excite them to insurrection, as he
alleges we are trying to do? Does he think the people of the State of New York,
of the Northwest, or of New England, can be "excited to servile insurrection?"
Of course not—because they are docile and contented; and if slaves can be so
excited, it is because they are precisely not what he says they are. A servile
people which by the sudden prospect of personal freedom can be roused to
insurrection, is a people whose previous quiet is not content but hopeless
subjugation. To call that hopeful prospect of personal freedom under the
military superintendence of a great government "a promise of the indulgence of
the vilest passions," merely illustrates the character of the system to which
they have been subjected.
It is unnecessary to follow this
document into other details. It is the most piercing wail that has yet risen
from the black gulf of the rebellion; and when he says that the absentees from
the rebel army are enough to secure the victory he predicts, it is a frank
confession which betrays the dire strait in which he finds himself. If they
would not rally before the late disasters of the rebel cause, are they likely to
rally after? Such a result might be expected in the case of a people heroically
struggling against oppression. But when a band of conspirators who aim to
destroy their Government because it does not oppress, but enlarges liberty under
law —who aim to dishonor and ruin their native land, to reverse the course of
civilization, and to prevent the increase of human happiness—find that their
plots miscarry, that their armies are defeated and dismayed, and that their
crimes are likely to come soon to awful judgment, there is nothing left in the
human heart or conscience or hand upon which they can rely. Behind them is
desolation, and before them despair. If any man doubts it, let him read Davis's
proclamation, which, with the urgent order of Lee, betrays how vast is the rebel
MR. "VICE-PRESIDENT" STEPHENS has
a happy gift of smiling under extreme difficulties. He has lately taken
advantage of the
fall of Vicksburg and
Port Hudson, of the opening of the
Mississippi, of the advance of
Rosecrans, and the defeat of
Lee to declare his
entire confidence in the ability of "the Confederacy" to maintain its cause.
With the most airy humor the "Vice-President" said of Lee that that "great
captain" had beaten the enemy upon their own soil, and was now ready to meet
them "on a new field." The harder we are hit, says this encouraging leader, the
more we shall succeed. And according to the gay logic of the "Vice-President,"
when every rebel port and city is in our hands, when the rebel armies are
annihilated, and the rebel chiefs are flitting from one obscurity to another,
the rebellion will triumph and "our independence" be finally secured.
Every man who wishes well to his
country will hope that the Stephens view of the situation may prevail. The
interest of permanent peace demands that the rebellion shall not abate a
solitary pretense, for it is always easy to deal with gentlemen who will have
the whole cake or none, and who are for the last ditch upon every opportunity.
If the rebel leaders were less in earnest, if they despised their Northern tools
less than they do, if they were not fanatics for slavery and enthusiasts for
national degradation, there might be serious fear of political complications.
The first rebel who cries "Let's surrender!" and can persuade his followers to
listen, is the wisest man among them. But the chiefs are too vitally interested.
Success has become a personal question with them; and even if they saw that in
the exigency their best chance lay in submission and the demand of an amnesty,
they know also that they must settle with their followers whom they have dragged
through all the misery of the war.
Even if the original secession
movement were intended as a coup d'etat, as many of its leaders believed it to
be, it has long ago developed into a radical revolution. The Southern
politicians, who have always prided themselves upon their superior sagacity,
with which also they have been fully credited at the North, began by a
stupendous and fatal blunder. They counted upon the indifference or actual
co-operation of the majority at the North. But they found that there was no
majority and no minority, for all were practically united upon the question of
union. War was the necessary consequence; and the match that was intended to
light a pipe was found to have kindled a city.
The rebellion is now beyond the
hands of what are called its leaders. Davis and his body-guard of conspirators
are as sternly criticised by the rebels as the President and his advisers. And
even if Davis and his friends could come to an understanding with Seymour and
Wood and Vallandigham to submit in order to save the party predominance of those
gentlemen, and to secure by intrigue the result at which the rebellion has been
aiming by force, they could treat only for themselves. For although they used to
control their henchmen absolutely, they have now taught them how to disobey, and
have put arms into their hands. So long as the rebel leaders and followers stand
together upon Mr. Stephens's platform of "final and complete separation," we
shall escape the disasters of political intrigue, which are infinitely greater
than those of war, while a peace will be secured which will save years of battle
and rivers of blood.
WILLIAM L. YANCEY is a man who
will be known in our history as one of the most virulent but not one of the most
able of the traitors who have conspired for the ruin of their country. He was
born in South Carolina, but lived subsequently in Alabama, whither he removed
after shooting his uncle. He was in Congress for several terms, and he put
himself forward constantly as a leader, but he was never able to rise above the
level of the typical pro-slavery politician, denouncing the "Yankees" as the
source of all evils, and extolling "the South" as the parent of all excellence.
Mr. Yancey himself furnished an
illustration of the absurdity of his own dogmas. Every society is truly
prosperous because secure in the degree that it allows the most liberal
discussion. In any truly free community whatever can not be debated ought not to
be endured, because such a community is governed by public opinion, and without
discussion public opinion is unenlightened. During the last Presidential canvass
Mr. Yancey made a tour of the free States for the purpose of persuading the
people that they had better not vote against the slaveholders upon pain of
summary ruin. In States made prosperous and happy by a greater individual
freedom than was ever known Mr. Yancey stood before the people to cajole and
threaten them from the exercise of political rights. He was heard and endured,
and sometimes applauded. But the fact that he was heard and was tolerated in
free States while he advocated shivery, showed the infinitely higher political
civilization of those States than that which Mr. Yancey advocated, and to which
he was accustomed. To plead for liberty in those States would have cost the
orator his life.
The baseness of his position was
that, at the very moment he was speaking in what he called the interest of the
Union, he was already a secret conspirator against it. Trained by slavery,
political honor was unknown to him. He had already, two years before, written
the letter in which he declared the plan by which he thought the cotton States
could be "precipitated into revolution."
But although the "revolution" is
in its third year, Mr. Yancey had achieved no more renown in it than he did
before it began. He went to Europe as an emissary to make the thing look
respectable, but soon returned disheartened. Since then he has been ex officio,
as a "Senator," one of the ring-leaders of the rebellion. But his name was never
heard. His influence has nowhere appeared. Like Toombs, Wigfall, Ellett, Spratt,
Keitt, and Orr, his sole distinction is that he hated his country, because his
country loved liberty.
THE general feeling of final
success at Charleston is an indication of the progress of our education in war.
When hostilities began what could not be done at once, and decisively, seemed to
us unlikely to be done at all; and when the first effort failed, we were
inclined to despond and to believe all efforts useless. But we have learned that
war is a slow process, and
General Grant has taught us that a sagacious soldier
is helped by his failures. He tried Vicksburg in every way. His operations had
lasted so long that the natural question was, how then can he do it? And his
masterly method of success, although obvious if practicable, had not even seemed
to be possible until it was proved.
Charleston has been an equally
hard nut to (Next Page)